It was reported
a couple of weeks ago that there is a £28 billion ‘funding shortfall’ for the
UK’s military forces. It underlines the way in which a careful choice of words
can frame any discussion. The substance of the story is that the military needs a
lot more money to do all the things that it wants to do, and is presenting the
lack of that money as a ‘shortfall’. It’s not the only word that could be used.
The same gap could equally be framed as a deliberately planned overspend: the
expenditure plan has been drawn up in a way which requires more money than the
budget has allocated. A ‘shortfall’ is the responsibility of government, but an
‘overspend’ is the responsibility of the defence chiefs. It’s all about blame
avoidance.
The more substantive underlying question is about
what the UK’s military needs are; establishing that is a prerequisite to
talking about how the expenditure is funded. It’s not a question on which
either the government or the military really wants any sort of debate, because
an open discussion on the question must inevitably put the question of the Trident
upgrade on the table. This enormously expensive project is a major element of
the UK’s planned military spend, yet it is, in essence, a weapons system which
could only ever be used as a posthumous act of revenge following a nuclear attack
on the UK. Even then, there’s considerable doubt as to whether the UK could
really decide to fire any of the missiles without US authorisation. The UK
government always claim that it can be so used, but the phrase
attributed to Mandy Rice-Davies applies. Scrapping Trident completely would
free up enough funding to overcome the alleged shortfall, even if we
collectively decided that we still wanted to do everything else on the military
shopping list.
Meanwhile the Lib Dems have come up with an alternative funding
mechanism – the issue of what they are calling ‘war bonds’,
based on what the government did during the two world wars. According to Ed
Davey, this could raise an additional £20 billion for military purposes, and
it’s clear that he thinks that the target market is individuals across the UK,
so it would be giving the public a chance to "support patriotically our
defence". I suspect that he’s right in saying that the government could
raise that sort of money, although it’s more likely to come from the wealthiest
in society rather than the man in the street, and they’re more likely to buy
such bonds for the security of the capital and the interest they would attract
than out of any great patriotic fervour. Given that the government (and there
is no indication that a Lib Dem government would take a different view on this)
regards all bond sales as ‘borrowing’, it would blow a massive hole in any
fiscal rules. But they are correct in identifying that there is a market for
more government bonds, which gives the lie to the idea that bond-holders are
demanding that the government redeem existing bonds, aka ‘pay off debt’.
What they are all doing, though, is talking about the
issue as though the constraint is a lack of money, when it really isn’t. The
constraints on government spending on the military are firstly whether the
spare physical resources (labour, materials, etc.) exist, and secondly, if they
don’t, to what extent do we wish to prioritise weaponry over wellbeing by redirecting those resources. Treating money as the
constraint serves only the few in society, and makes it more or less inevitable
that the cost of increasing military expenditure falls, ultimately, on the
wellbeing of the many. Destroying that which we wish to defend is no defence at
all. It’s easy to see why the purveyors of war all want to avoid that question.
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