Showing posts with label Debt. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Debt. Show all posts

Friday, 22 August 2025

Bad news for savers?

 

Yesterday’s official figures for government ‘borrowing’ showed that it was down significantly compared to the same month last year. It was reported as though it was unalloyed good news. But the wonders of double-entry book-keeping mean that there is also another way of looking at it: the government took in a lower amount of people’s savings in July this year than it did the previous year. Whether the news is quite as good as it was portrayed as being depends on which side of the equation matters most.

That’s an oversimplification of a complex series of financial transactions, of course, but the basic point is this: debt and deposits must always net out to zero. Every pound of what the government regards as debt is a pound of assets to someone else – and most of those to whom the government ‘owes’ money are UK citizens and companies (and because of the process of quantitative easing, a significant amount of government dent is actually owed to a wholly-owned subsidiary of the government in the form of the Bank of England – effectively it owes that money to itself, meaning it isn’t really a ‘debt’ at all in any meaningful sense).

The Chancellor and government complain about the cost of paying interest on the money which they have ‘borrowed’, but that expenditure on interest looks like income to those who have deposited their savings with the government – a group which includes all those of us who have any sort of pension scheme from a source other than the state. The problem isn’t with the principle of government borrowing, or even with the amount (the Chancellor’s fiscal rules are entirely arbitrary and self-imposed), it is with way the assets and debt are distributed. The debt is treated as a liability for all of us, but the assets are overwhelmingly in the hands of the wealthiest in society, including those who have the biggest pension pots. The outcome of the government’s approach to tax and borrowing isn’t, as they like to suggest, that we are creating debts for future generations to repay, it is that the system is one of the many ways in which wealth ‘trickles up’, not between generations but within them. And it doesn’t seem to matter which party is in government.

Monday, 21 October 2024

Bankers and fairies

 

The headline in yesterday's Business and Money section of the Sunday Times proclaimed that “City tells Reeves: we can lend you £80bn”. It’s an example of the way that the basic facts aren’t always presented in a neutral fashion, because the headline could equally have read, “City tells Reeves: We have £80bn that we want to save with the government”. In the preferred version, the banks and financial institutions are doing us (through the government) a favour by lending us money; in the alternative version, the banks and financial institutions are asking us (through the government) to do them a favour by accepting large deposits of ‘spare’ cash.

They both represent different aspects of the ‘truth’, underlining the way that what looks like a debt to one person will always look like an investment to another. But which is actually the best representation of the underlying truth? Imagine that ‘the City’ is a single corporation here, and that the Chief Financial Officer is talking to the collective board. Is (s)he going to say, “Look chaps, the government has got itself into a bit of difficulty, but I reckon that we can probably divert around £80bn from other places to lend them in order to help them out”, or is (s)he going to say, “Look chaps, there’s something of a dearth of safe and profitable investment opportunities at the moment, and the best thing that we can do would be to deposit £80bn in government funds”? When deciding how best to manage their money financial institutions are always looking for a balance between risk and reward, placing some of their money in high risk, high reward investments and some into lower risk, lower reward investments, such as government bonds. To put the question another way, when they are deciding on that balance, do we believe that they operate on the basis of a community-friendly altruism, or do we believe that they decide on the basis of what’s best for their shareholders?

Those who believe in altruistic bankers might like to come and meet the fairies at the bottom of my garden.

Friday, 16 August 2024

Labour ministers encourage hostility to migrants

 

Ministers in the Labour government have rightly condemned those who have been whipping up hatred against migrants in general and refugees and asylum-seekers in particular, especially on social media, but they seem to be completely blind to the effect that their own words and deeds are having. Their own words may not be as blunt and direct, but that simply makes them all the more insidious.

I cannot be alone in having noticed a recent increase in the number of memes circulating drawing comparisons between the cut to the winter fuel allowance or the failure to remove the two-child benefit cap on the one hand, and paying for food and accommodation for migrants on the other. It’s a silly comparison to make, of course; an economy like that of the UK can easily do both. But the government has made a deliberate choice not to do both, and in its insistence on the nonsensical household analogy for government debt has effectively encouraged people to believe that doing one thing necessarily prevents them doing another, because of a ‘lack of money’.

Cutting the state pension by at least 2.5% for most pensioners (which is the effect of the change to the winter fuel allowance) is a deliberate political choice. Keeping 300,000 children in poverty for at least a few months longer (which is the effect of failing to scrap the 2 child benefit cap, even if they change it in the budget) is another deliberate political choice. They weren’t forced to do either, but have chosen to do both because of a blind adherence to a fiscal rule based on Tory ideology about the size of the state and the protection of private wealth. But if you tell people often enough that the old and the young must suffer because of a non-existent ‘lack of money’, it should hardly be a surprise if some people draw comparisons with other items of expenditure and suggest cutting those instead. The result is that Labour’s dishonesty over government finances makes them as guilty as others of inflaming attitudes towards desperate people seeking a better life for themselves and their families. It doesn’t excuse the attacks on hotels, mosques, businesses or individuals – nothing can excuse that – but the false claim that the government ‘has no choice’ is an active encouragement to people to put the blame elsewhere. It turns out that divide and rule is an approach to government which isn’t ended by throwing out the Tories.

Thursday, 9 February 2023

Burying the nugget of truth

 

The trouble with bizarre and delusional rants is that any nugget of truth contained therein can easily be obscured by the patent nonsense in which it is embedded. Liz Truss’s opus magnus in the Telegraph on Sunday (widely covered in other media) is a case in point. The idea that the OBR, the Civil Service, the media and the markets are all run by some sort of left-wing conspiracy, and the suggestion that the only thing she did wrong was to fail to communicate her 'brilliant' ideas effectively, would lead anyone to wonder what her home planet looks like. But the nugget of truth is this: there is an accepted consensus around economic policy, shared by government and opposition politicians, the civil service and the media, and it is difficult for any politician, whether in or out of government, to challenge that consensus.

‘Left-wing’, however, it most definitely is not. It’s a consensus around ‘sound money’ and ‘balanced budgets’ which dates back to Thatcher and has broadly been followed by all governments since. Suggesting that Thatcherite economic policy is ‘left-wing’ tells us more about Truss’s own position on the political spectrum than it does about economics, but portraying Thatcher as some sort of dangerous communist is not a picture that many will recognise. It’s a consensus which the Tory-led government of 2010-2015 tried to embed as some sort of unchangeable basis for the future by setting fiscal rules and appointing the Office for Budget Responsibility to assess all government action against those rules. I’m sure that Osborne intended this to make it very difficult for any future alternative government to do anything different, although he probably didn’t expect a PM from his own party to be the one caught out. The fiscal rules were set by the government; the remit for its work was set by the government; and its members were appointed by the government. If a new government comes along – led by a maverick such as Truss, for instance – and leaves the same rules in place, to be assessed by the same people, working to the same remit, it should hardly be a surprise if, when that government then takes actions contrary to the fiscal rules, the OBR criticises those actions. And it’s hardly evidence of some great conspiracy – it worked as the Cameron government intended it to work, which is to force the government back to the accepted normality.

Whether the economic view on which it was based – that of the Treasury, the media, and Tory, Labour, and Lib Dem politicians alike – is the right one is another question entirely. And it isn’t only Liz Truss who’s questioning it. Last week, the BBC itself published a report on the way it covers economic policy (and Prof Richard Murphy has a brief summary of some of the salient points here) in which it accepts that it has given too much credence to prevailing orthodoxy and not enough to alternative viewpoints.  Specifically, the report accepts that the BBC (while making the valid point that it isn’t the only transgressor) has given excessive credence to the ‘household analogy’ for government budgets, without pointing out that it is opinion rather than substantiated fact and that there are other views. It’s not exactly coming from the same perspective as Truss, of course, but the underlying point – that there is an Overton window outside which debate is rarely allowed to wander – is the same.

None of that is intended to in any way support the insane proposition put forward by Truss that decreasing taxation on the rich would magically lead to economic growth and increase government revenues. All the empirical evidence suggests that borrowing money to give tax cuts to the rich ends up simply increasing government debt and financial inequality; but the infamous Laffer curve continues to draw support despite the fact that it is entirely unevidenced in practice. The fact that Truss was, and is, utterly clueless about how to generate growth, preferring to believe dogma than look at evidence, doesn’t mean that she was wrong in principle to worry more about overall economic performance than about specific levels of government debt. It’s a pity that her failed experiment, coupled with her tendency to see dangerous lefties under every bed and in every institution, will actually make it harder, rather than easier, to debate alternative viewpoints.

Friday, 18 November 2022

A plague of Hunts

 

Poor old Jeremy Hunt. This kind, compassionate Conservative, who set out determined to look after the interests of the poorest, didn’t really want to introduce a lot of the measures he announced yesterday, but he was, sadly, compelled to do so in order to comply with the new fiscal rules introduced by, er, Jeremy Hunt, the cold, uncaring Conservative who is bound by rigid dogma and ideology to look after the interests of the richest in society. New chancellor, new fiscal rules; but the problem with setting a fiscal rule which requires “that underlying debt must fall as a percentage of GDP by the fifth year of a rolling five-year period … [and] that public sector borrowing, over the same period, must be below 3% of GDP” is that the Hunt who set the rules left the Hunt charged with following them with little choice but to introduce measures which will increase taxation, cut public services, and reduce the standard of living of most people by around 7%. (Although, curiously, and I’m sure this is entirely unintentional, it seems that the wealthiest 10% will actually find themselves better off. Who would ever have expected that from a Tory Hunt?)

Whilst the self-styled nice Hunt can only follow the rules, the nasty Hunt didn’t have to set the rules in the way he did. He could, for instance, have set a target that debt must not rise by more than x% of GDP; or that public sector borrowing must not go above 5% of GDP. Either of those would have left him able to properly fund public services and protect the vulnerable. The so-called ‘black hole’ exists only because the fiscal rules have been applied to forecasts; applying different rules to those forecasts could have increased or reduced the size of the so-called hole – or even turned it into a surplus. Setting the rules in such a way as to oblige the Chancellor to impose a new version of austerity tells us only that the rules are doing exactly what the not-so-nice-after-all Chancellor wants them to do – austerity is a political choice, not a necessity.

He claimed yesterday that the alternative was to heap debt on our children and grandchildren, and that this was something that Conservatives don’t do. But in truth, it is exactly what Conservatives (and other governments for that matter) do do, and always have done. The UK has had a national debt since 1692 and has never repaid it all. Individual debts have, of course, been repaid, but only by raising new ones. If we treat a generation as being around 20 years, then in the terms in which Hunts (both of them) describe debt, today’s taxpayers are effectively still repaying the debts of their 14 times great grandparents. And the thing is – it really doesn’t matter; it’s entirely normal. Nobody, as far as I’m aware, is arguing that debt can or should be allowed to rise indefinitely – but neither does anyone, for all their profound statements, know precisely what amount of debt is impossible, and the UK’s public debt as a percentage of GDP is lower than a lot of other countries across the world – including both the US and Japan. The idea that the UK – one of the wealthiest countries in the world – is uniquely unable to provide basic services and standard of living for all its citizens owes nothing to any laws of economics; it is based on a dogmatic view that public spending is always inherently bad. And that’s a view shared by both Hunts, as well as all the other ones in the cabinet. Worst of all is that the Labour Party seems to be hooked on the same dogma, and seem determined to follow a similar set of rules. It seems that nasty Hunts aren't confined to a single party, even if they go under different names.

Wednesday, 27 July 2022

Avoiding the question

 

As part of his attempt to win over the Tory members to his side, Rishi Sunak this week wheeled out the old chestnut about passing on government debt to our children and grandchildren unless the UK restores a balance between government income and expenditure. It’s one of those things which is obviously ‘true’; if a government borrows in the short term and takes generations to repay, then the responsibility for servicing and repaying that debt passes on, inevitably, from one generation to another. It’s not the whole truth, though. Whether from ignorance or a wilful attempt to mislead (I opt for the latter), it ignores the wonderful process called double-entry book-keeping. It was invented in 1494, which probably makes it a bit too modern for the Tories, but for the rest of us, it means we need to look at the other side of the accounts, not just at the debt.

All debt has to be balanced by an asset somewhere, and in this case, what looks like a debt to the government looks like an asset to all of those who have loaned it money. And that, whether directly through NS&I products or collectively though pension and insurance funds, includes most of us. It’s true that we pay interest on the debt as part of our taxes, but it’s also true that we receive that interest back in our pensions and from some of our savings. And although it’s true that unredeemed government debt effectively passes down the generations, the same is equally true of the assets represented by that debt. It has to be, otherwise the sums don’t add up. At a population level, the problem is not that one generation is repaying the debt of its predecessors, because that new generation has also inherited the savings; it’s not an intergenerational problem at all. The real issue is at an individual level, not at a population level: because of an insufficiently progressive taxation regime, the individuals paying interest on the debt through taxes are not always the same people as are receiving the interest on the money loaned to the government. In short, the process serves to transfer wealth from the comparatively poorer to the comparatively richer.

The political question here is why, given that it’s their own supporters who disproportionately benefit from such a wealth transfer, the Tories are so keen on reducing debt in the first place. It’s hardly as if those lending the government money are keen to be repaid (they are not; it’s a safe repository for surplus money). But the Tories are not really against it at all; it has far more to do with advancing an ideological position about reducing the amount of government expenditure (and therefore taxes – and guess who benefits most from tax cuts?), whilst finding a supporting argument which those who have most to lose from smaller government expenditure can relate to and support. In truth (as Richard Murphy pointed out yesterday) the Tories are not and never have been the party of low government debt; quite the reverse. What they’re against is the redistribution implicit in a large state working for the benefit of all its citizens rather than just the richest, and nonsense about the national credit card is just a convenient form of argument. And whatever they may say, they really don’t care about reducing debt at all – in arguing for tax cuts whilst increasing debt, Truss is being far more honestly Conservative than Sunak (allowing rich people to pay less tax leaving them more money to ‘invest’ by lending it to the government in exchange for regular interest payments is classic Conservatism), even if she sees it as simply a transactional position to win the votes of the Tory membership.

An internal Tory debate about the size of the national debt is a convenient distraction, but ultimately it’s a Big-Endian debate. The real question should be about what we want the state to do and how. It’s easy to see why the Tories would prefer to avoid that question.

Friday, 9 July 2021

Dividing to conquer

 

Whilst death and taxes may be life’s only absolute certainties, there are other things which run them close. Amongst those are that the English Conservative and Unionist Party will always attempt to balance the government’s budget at the expense of the poorest, whilst encouraging those just a little better off to blame those poorer than themselves for inequality rather than blaming the richest.

The ‘pensions triple lock’ was designed to ensure that the UK state pension can never lose value over time as it often did previously. In fact, during a period of low inflation and low wage growth, it can have the effect of marginally increasing the value of pensions – for example, if inflation is 2%, the guaranteed minimum increase of 2.5% means that pensions will increase in value by 0.5%. Not a huge amount, but a small slow step towards better pension provision in a country with one of the lowest state pensions in the developed world. The fact that, as a result, state pension increases have been marginally higher than wage increases in recent years doesn’t alter the fact that the poorest pensioners – those entirely dependent on the state pension – remain amongst the poorest in society. There are increasing suggestions that the Chancellor – a man who will never find himself having to live on the basic state pension – is going to alter or suspend the triple lock in order to save money this year.

It’s true that, because of the way the calculation operates, pensioners could be in line for an increase of up to 8% this year as a result of the pandemic, but this would be a ‘one-off’ quirk, and would still leave those dependent solely on the pension as one of the poorest groups in society. Comparing percentage increases – 2% for wages and 8% for pensions – may appear to show that pensioners are getting an unfairly advantageous rise, but it’s a misleading statistic. 8% of £9,340 (current state pension) amounts to an annual increase of £747; 2% of £28,000 (average full time weekly wage) amounts to an annual increase of £560. The difference between the two is a lot smaller put in those terms, and extra purchasing power is always going to be of most benefit to those who have the least of it to start with. It’s also true that many pensioners are not wholly dependent on the state pension and receive occupational or personal pensions of some sort in addition. Those extras are not subject to the triple lock and are likely to increase only in line with wages or inflation, but policy in relation to the basic state pension should surely be set by thinking about those wholly dependent on it, not those receiving additional monies which can and should be taxed appropriately.

The very idea that spending to deal with the pandemic has created a ‘debt’ which needs to be ‘repaid’ is a nonsense anyway, as has been discussed on this blog previously, but attempting to ‘repay’ a non-existent ‘debt’ by keeping the income of the poorest groups low is also an attempt to divide us amongst ourselves. It helpfully diverts attention from the way in which the richest have benefited disproportionately from government spending on the pandemic. Presenting the situation as some sort of conflict between generations (as some seem keen to do) all adds grist to the Tory mill. It also overlooks the power of compounding (referred to earlier this week), which means that the main beneficiaries of a slow growth in pensions over a long period aren’t today’s pensioners at all. They will see only modest benefits from a half per cent or so each year. No; the power of compounding means that the real beneficiaries will be those who are decades away from retirement – precisely those being encouraged to oppose the triple lock today. We should be asking ourselves whose interests are really served most by limiting pensions increases.

I should add another certainty to the list at the start of this post: the Tories will always seek to persuade working people to oppose policies which are in their own best long term interest, and to support those which benefit the Tories and their friends. Sadly, they often succeed.

Tuesday, 4 May 2021

Have Lib Dems accidentally stumbled onto a good idea?

 

One party which has so far failed to send any election literature to this household is the Lib Dems (but don’t bother to rush out and do it now, we’ve already voted). It’s a pity, because there is one aspect of their policy for this election which strikes me as really interesting and different, namely their promise of debt cancellation. The suggestion that this would be a funded by a ‘specific and limited pot of funding’ detracts from the proposal, with its implicit assumption that it is the funding which determines how much debt is written off rather than the need, and there is a question in my mind as to whether the Senedd actually has the power or resources to do this, but the idea deserves to be more widely debated and explored.

The Tories continually tell us that we are facing a debt crisis as a result of the pandemic. They’re right, but they’re referring to the wrong debt crisis, because they’re referring to government debt. Government debt really is not a problem, but their ‘solution’ to this non-problem, namely austerity (although Johnson will insist on calling it something different given his oft-stated aversion to austerity) will not only not solve the non-problem, but will worsen the real debt crisis, which is the extent of private debt burdening lower paid families. Apart from austerity, the second part of the government’s post Covid recovery strategy assumes that, as a result of lockdown, people have been spending less and that spending will be released in a splurge when people can start going to restaurants and hotels and taking holidays again. From the perspective of the social circles in which the Tories move, that may well look to be realistic, but for many families, reduced income as a result of furlough, and the fear of job insecurity as furlough ends and some companies find themselves no longer viable means that many have fallen further into debt, and even amongst those who have seen an opportunity to reduce their debts – or even save – it doesn’t follow that they will be ready to risk their financial security immediately.

Debt cancellation is not a particularly new idea; it’s been done in various economies in the past, sometimes in the form of a general amnesty, other times in the form of write-off of specific types or elements of debt. Amongst the earliest examples was the ancient civilisation of Mesopotamia, which went through a series of cyclical cancellations of debt, aimed at freeing debt slaves and maintaining social peace and stability. Whilst people are not, these days, forced into slavery as a result of debt, they often find themselves forced into taking multiple jobs, depending on friends and family, or sinking deeper into debt. And the driver of debt cancellation for King Hammurabi – social peace and stability – is as valid and relevant today as it was 3000 years ago.

The idea goes against current economic orthodoxy, of course, to say nothing of the idea that the poor deserve to be poor and that people who get into unmanageable levels of debt deserve their fate. But these are shibboleths of capitalist ideology which need to be challenged, and selfishness needs to be replaced by a greater sense of social solidarity. The Lib Dems, albeit in a typically timid and limited Lib Dem fashion, are actually onto something important and radical here (although any of them reading this might now start to have second thoughts). It’s a proposal which deserves to be more widely considered, and taken up by others who are more likely to be in a position to do something about it than a fringe party struggling to retain a foothold in the Senedd.

Friday, 5 March 2021

Look out for the big warning sign

 

According to Benjamin Franklin, “in this world nothing can be said to be certain, except death and taxes”, although, as is often the case with the most famous quotes, he may well have lifted the phrase from earlier writers. In politics, there is another apparent certainty: any politician who utters a phrase along the lines of “I want to be honest with you” is erecting a great big warning sign covered in flashing lights saying that (s)he is about to utter a major, galactic level, lie. In his budget on Wednesday, Rishi Sunak proved himself no exception. And what a whopper it was.

This particular big lie is, of course, the one about the need to increase taxes and/or cut spending in order to pay for the costs of the pandemic. In practice, the costs of dealing with the pandemic (and they are truly enormous, even if the money spent has been inadequate and misdirected in several respects) have been met by the creation of new money rather than by new borrowing. In accounting terms, it looks like borrowing since the government has sold more bonds to raise the money. But those bonds have been bought by the ‘independent’ Bank of England which has simply created enough new money, with a few strokes on a keyboard, to buy all those extra bonds. So, to the extent that the government owes this money, it owes it to the Bank of England. It also pays interest on that debt (albeit at a very low rate), and that interest is paid to the Bank of England as well. But who owns the Bank of England? The answer, of course, is the UK government. Whilst one part of the government owes money and pays interest on it, another part of the government is owed the money and receives the interest. The consolidated accounts of the UK government and all its subsidiaries and holdings would therefore show, in effect, that the UK government owes the money to itself and pays the interest to itself. The idea that we ‘must’ rapidly repay this ‘debt’ amounts to claiming that one arm of the government is setting the debt collectors on another arm of the government to transfer money from the left hand to the right. And because the interest on this element of the debt is paid by the government to itself, it doesn’t even matter whether the interest rate goes up or not – because interest payments would still be exactly balanced by interest receipts (although why the government would want to increase the interest rate on fixed interest bonds which it has sold to itself is another little mystery). It’s all part of the wonder of double-entry book-keeping.

The idea that ‘debt’ must be repaid is a seductive one for most of us, because it reflects the reality of the world in which we live. It doesn’t reflect reality, however, for a state which controls, and borrows mostly in, its own fiat currency. Such Governments rarely, if ever, repay their debts, and those to whom the money is owed rarely, if ever, demand repayment. Indeed, most of the time, people are queuing up to lend more by buying government bonds and savings vehicles, not asking for their money back. The UK has had a continuous national debt since 1694 and has never repaid it. Some individual elements of the debt appear to have been repaid, of course. There was something of a milestone in 2006 when the debt from the second world war was finally ‘repaid’, to give just one example. But in 2006, the UK’s total borrowing increased, rather than decreased. Effectively, the UK, as it has done historically, simply took out new loans to pay off the old ones – that isn’t the same as paying off debt. Professor Richard Murphy has calculated that for every pound which the UK has borrowed since the end of the second world war only 1.7p has actually been paid off. And it isn’t a problem.

Where is the demand for debt repayment coming from? Are pension funds demanding to cash in their bonds? Are the overseas countries with holdings in sterling to facilitate trade with the UK demanding their money back? Are holders of Premium Bonds and other NS&I savings products demanding to cash them in? The answer is ‘none of the above’. The demand that debt be repaid comes solely from an ideological standpoint which demands a small state and hates public spending even more than it hates taxes. The demand for repayment is coming from the debtor, not the creditors. If the public sector did manage to eliminate the budget deficit and run a regular surplus which was used to reduce the national debt, it would mean that the private sector had to build up a corresponding debt, because (that wondrous double-entry book-keeping system once again), a surplus in one sector must always be balanced by a deficit in another. Since ‘debt’ is simply another word for ‘money’, there are only two ways of getting rid of it – by cancelling money or by transferring the debt to someone else. Neither of those are what the economy currently needs.

That brings us to a second important lie in what the Chancellor said. He claimed that he was protecting people from the economic effects of the pandemic, yet his demand that the UK ‘repay’ the non-existent ‘debt’ arising from QE, through a combination of tax increases and spending cuts in a few years’ time, isn’t protecting people from the impact at all. It’s merely deferring the impact and spreading it over a longer period. And, as ever, the approach chosen by a Tory Chancellor is to make sure that the impact falls most heavily on those who can least afford it. Attacking the pay of popular public sector employees in the process looks tone-deaf to most of us, but 'Richi' Sunak and his ilk didn’t get to be as 'richi' as they are by promoting fairness.

Friday, 27 November 2020

Abject drivel is too kind a description

 

In the light of the Chancellor’s statement earlier this week, there has been a lot of coverage of the scale of the UK’s national debt, with speculation about how and when it is to be repaid. The media have aided and abetted the government’s ideological nonsense about ‘unsustainable’ levels of debt, and the BBC have unquestioningly parroted the same line. Chris Dillow takes the BBC’s political editor, Laura Kuenssberg to task for her claim that the UK’s credit card is “absolutely maxxed out”, describing it, entirely reasonably, as “the most abject drivel”, before wondering “how can any sentient being utter something so stupid”, and going on to explain why it is so wrong. And Professor Richard Murphy also has a useful short video explaining why government debt is not like a mortgage or credit card.

The BBC compounds its error in this article which purports to ‘explain’ the debt and its consequences, which includes the statement that “This year the Bank [of England] is buying £450bn worth of bonds, which makes it much easier for the government to borrow money”. The problem with that statement is not that it is inaccurate, but that it is only half the story, and it’s the missing half which is important. Anyone who really wanted to understand and explain what was happening here would go on to ask the obvious supplementary question – ‘so where does the BoE get the money to buy those bonds?’. The answer is that it simply creates that money, magicking it into existence by pressing a few keys on a computer at the behest of the government. I understand that it’s counterintuitive to believe that money can just be created at the press of a button, but it is the reality of a fiat currency like sterling. As the Bank is a wholly owned subsidiary of the government, money owed by the government to the BoE is effectively money owed to itself.

As a result of the programme of QE which started with the financial crash in 2008 and has been stepped up during the pandemic, the government now ‘owes’ some £875 billion – or 40% of the total national debt – to itself. It’s nothing more than a book-keeping nicety to describe this as being, in any meaningful sense, ‘debt’. Yet the allure of the comparison with a household’s credit card is so strong, so all-pervasive, that people are willing to swallow it hook, line, and sinker – and tolerate the pain which the government plans to impose on the least well-off in society to repay the debt to itself. ‘Abject drivel’ is far too kind a description for the BBC’s coverage. It would also be an utterly inappropriate label for the claim by politicians that the debt is ‘unsustainable’. Whilst the journalists might merely be suffering from ignorance or a lack of awareness, the politicians are guilty of deliberately misleading in order to promote their own view of the role of the state and the interests of the wealthiest. They must not be allowed to get away with it.

Monday, 23 November 2020

Skunkflowers and Conservatives

 

Since Boris Johnson’s party defeated the Conservatives in the last election, the Prime Minister has declared several times that the UK will not be returning to the austerity policies of the wicked Conservatives. He has also repeatedly insisted that there will be no significant tax increases. Meanwhile, his next-door neighbour has been equally insistent that the UK will have to return to a ‘sustainable’ level of debt (something which he is completely unable to define) and ‘repay’ the costs of dealing with the pandemic, and seems to be using that ‘requirement’ to repay debt as his excuse to launch an attack on public sector pay. He argues that this is not austerity at all, which leads to the conclusion that it’s the word that they object to rather than the policy. But a rose would still look and smell like a rose if it were called a skunkflower, as Shakespeare didn’t quite put it.

It certainly is true (and this is one of the excuses used for an attack on public sector pay) that job losses and lost income have impacted the private sector more severely than the public sector during the pandemic, but the consequent suggestion that the solution is to reduce the real income of public sector workers looks more like levelling down than the levelling up which we’re being continually promised. It’s also silly, even in simple economic terms. One of the key factors in ensuring economic recovery in the private sector is to maintain a level of demand in the economy; ensuring that all employees feel equally fearful about their future income levels is counterproductive.

It is also true that the UK’s annual deficit is large and growing, and that is working its way through to what are clearly very high levels of total debt compared to GDP (although the extent of that is somewhat exaggerated by the fall in GDP as a result of the pandemic). But to claim that that must be repaid is to look at only one side of the equation; those to whom the debt is owed are in no great hurry to be repaid and many of them don’t really want to be repaid at all. In the first place, of the approximately £2 trillion total, almost £900 billion of that (approaching half) is owed to the UK Government. Calling it a debt is just an accounting trick perpetrated for political ends. It’s simply not the case that the UK Government is demanding that the UK Government repays this debt urgently, or even at all. And the rest of the debt is what looks to those to whom it is owed like savings or investments, which carry a low level of interest but are entirely secure. If the government insisted on repaying them, what would they do with the money? They’d probably look to reinvest most or all of it, preferably in new government bonds – if not in the UK then elsewhere, hardly something which is going to help economic recovery.

There is no debt crisis, and there is no sign that there will be one any time soon. Politicians who pretend that there is – aided and abetted by the media – are peddling a lie. Controlling public sector wages is based on ideological hostility to the public sector, not on economic necessity. In some ways, Boris Johnson’s new party looks quite a lot like the Conservative Party of old which it replaced, just with more blatantly dishonest spin.

Thursday, 22 October 2020

Cutting pensions to repay imaginary debt?

 

The media have been busy this week pointing to what they describe in terms such as ‘record levels of borrowing’, following the announcement that the UK Treasury deficit hit £36bn for the month of September, and is now estimated to be around £300bn for the year. The figures for the deficit (£36bn and £300bn) are right enough, but the straight line from those to an increase in borrowing is utter tosh. In fact, the UK has borrowed precisely nothing extra this year, not a single penny. It’s even more stark than that – the total UK debt so far this year has actually reduced by £50bn, as Prof Richard Murphy points out here. All the additional expenditure has been financed not by borrowing but by the creation of new money, otherwise known as Quantitative Easing. The idea that this money – created by the Bank of England, a wholly owned subsidiary of the government, and acting on government instruction – is somehow ‘owed’ by the government to the BoE is a convenient book-keeping fiction. This part of the debt is wholly notional because the government, in effect, owes it to itself.

It follows that the stories of doom about needing huge tax rises going forward to ‘pay for’ the response to the pandemic are also nonsense. The government has already ‘paid for’ that response; any decision that tax rises will be necessary (tax adjustments for other purposes such as incentivising some actions and deterring others are a separate matter) at some future date depends not on the costs of the pandemic but primarily on whether the government needs to act to control any inflation which might result – an outcome which looks to be several years in the future at present. So why are these think tanks and pressure groups calling for action to cut spending and/or increase taxation, including once again the old perennial about abolishing the triple lock on pensions?

The answer is not about economics at all; it’s about ideology. Cutting pensions, cutting benefits, and cutting spending are about putting the burden onto the neediest in society, in order to protect the personal wealth of the richest few. They’re about dividing the many against each other by focusing the debate on which services should be cut, which benefits should be cut, and whose pensions should be cut (those with large occupational or personal pensions certainly won’t be greatly affected by the abolition of the triple lock) rather than debating the level of inequality and the means by which wealth has been siphoned away from the many to the few. They’re about trying to create an intergenerational divide by arguing that the interests of the young and the old clash in order to prevent people noticing that the real clash of interests is between the few and the many.

The problem is that it works; that’s why they keep saying it. The idea that a government must balance its books is so seductively ‘obvious’ that people are easily led to believe it; the think tanks promote it, the media support it, and politicians are cowed by it. But one thing that life has taught me is that that which is ‘obvious’ isn’t always true and that which is true isn’t always obvious. In this case, the obvious is most definitely not true; most government run deficits most of the time and debt is rarely repaid. Indeed, the consequences were the government ever to repay all ‘debt’ would be economically disastrous. A widespread recognition of those simple truths would turn debate about government finances in a wholly different direction. That, of course, is something those behind these, often mysteriously funded, think tanks want to avoid at all costs. People need to ask themselves why that would be.

Friday, 24 July 2020

Falling for the Big Lie


Opponents of independence delight in regularly pointing out that an independent Wales would have a budget deficit. This, in their eyes, makes the country unviable. The first part is true – we would undoubtedly have a budget deficit, although there’s considerable scope for debate about the size of that deficit. They certainly (and entirely deliberately) inflate the figure to support their argument by adding in costs which an independent Wales would not have to pay; but the existence of a deficit isn’t really open to debate. The question is, though, so what? Most countries run a deficit most of the time; most countries have a national debt. Many think that that debt is owed to other countries but it isn’t – most of it is owed to countries’ own citizens.
On the criteria which the unionists demand that Wales should meet to be considered viable, the UK as a whole is not viable as an independent state. The UK should, on their criteria, immediately renounce its independence and throw its lot in with a country which is viable. The problem would be finding one, because most other states (including the USA and Japan) aren’t viable either on the same criteria. Most states borrow money (largely from their own citizens, but in times of crisis also from themselves by simply creating extra money). The idea that Wales would be uniquely unable to do likewise is a lie, pure and simple. It’s an attempt to apply one rule to us and another rule to them. Measured by GDP per head, Wales is closer to the top of the world league table than the bottom; if Wales were really an economic basket case, the same would be true of the majority of countries in the world. It’s only the Anglo-centric exceptionalist tradition which declines to consider that Wales could be an entirely normal country.
The UK Government is currently spending a great deal of money, albeit inadequately and half-heartedly, in order to overcome the current crisis (and, as we saw from Johnson in Scotland yesterday, attempting to claim that only the UK could do this). Some of that money is being borrowed by the UK government, mostly from UK citizens; but a lot of it is simply being created by the government and placed into its own account, effectively treated in the books as a ‘loan’ from itself. But miraculously, this newly-created UK money suddenly becomes ‘English’ money (and a ‘subsidy’) when some of it is passed to the Welsh government to spend. It's as though they regard it as their own private piggybank which they are ‘generously’ sharing with us.
The ability to amass public debt is not unlimited, of course, but public debt is a normal part of the financing of any state. When the implications are spelled out, few people would actually want to live in a state which completely eschewed public debt. The claim that Wales’ public debt would make an independent Wales unviable is not the killer debating point as which it’s presented at all, it’s a dishonest way of trying to shut down a debate which unionists find uncomfortable. Why are they so afraid of revealing their real reasons for opposing independence that they need to hide behind such an obvious and blatant lie? Worse – why do so many in Wales fall for the lie?

Monday, 8 June 2020

Worrying about the wrong things


Whilst they obviously differ in the fine detail and the timing, the plans by the four governments within the UK to ease the lockdown restrictions all nominally start from a common principle, which is that the rate of easing of restrictions, and which restrictions can be eased when, are determined by the prevalence and rate of spread of the virus at any one time. It’s a sensible approach and tailoring it around the margins for differing needs and priorities in the different areas is also eminently sensible. The big difference in approach, though, is that while three of the governments are working to the plans which they produced, the fourth – England – is not. Moving between levels when the conditions have not been met and releasing restrictions at level 4 which they previously said could only be removed at level 1 is not what the plan said. And whilst setting indicative dates based on current knowledge at any point in time is sensible, turning them into firm target dates which must be achieved regardless is reckless folly. Yet that is exactly what the English government is doing.
Why the PM is behaving in such an arbitrary fashion is an interesting question. Some of it, no doubt, stems from his belief that the state should not be restricting liberties in the first place, a principle which he has been reluctant to breach from the outset, even if breaching it is in the greater public interest. Some of it stems from his assessment of what might be popular even if that popularity might turn out to be short-lived if the result is an increasing death rate. Some of it probably results from his well-known lack of attention to detail, and apparent belief that events can be bent to his will, even if his will changes more or less daily. But a lot of it seems to be coming from his – or rather the Treasury’s – assessment of the economic impact.
That certainly was the burden of this article in the Times yesterday (paywall). The Treasury seem to be still clinging to the outdated and fundamentally flawed view of the national finances as being like a household where ‘debts’ have to be repaid, as well as a very isolationist view of the world in which borrowing by the UK government will somehow uniquely ‘spook the markets’ here, even whilst other governments the world over are doing exactly the same thing. They worry that the extra money being created by the government will somehow spark inflation, despite the fact that the bigger danger at present is deflation.
They are right, though, to worry about the level of unemployment which is about to hit us. Many of the jobs which have been furloughed are likely not to exist at all after the lockdown ends, and many other companies are likely to fail as they fail to adapt to the new post-pandemic environment. Some of the decisions being taken by government, however, are making that worse not better. Expecting companies which have barely been trading (or even not been trading at all) for months to be able to start paying wages and NI at a higher level in August will force many over the edge. And setting an arbitrary and universal date for that change without any certainty that the companies will be able to restart trading will add many more to the list of casualties. Unemployment is likely to rise to at least 5 million as a result, and some are predicting an even higher figure. In that context, one of the findings in the recent YouGov/ITV Welsh opinion poll (analysed here by Dafydd Trystan) really surprised me – apparently, 67% of people in Wales are not worried about their job as a result of the crisis and 60% are not worried about their finances. I wonder if they understand the direction in which the London government is taking us. And if we have mass unemployment, with huge numbers of people reduced to the income levels associated with Universal Credit, inflation is the last thing we should be worried about.
Earlier on in the crisis, whilst announcing some of his half-baked measures to ease the economic impact on companies and families (I can’t remember which of his budgets it was – there have been so many of them by now), the Chancellor said that this was not a time for ideology. Yet ideology is exactly what is driving the government – an ideology based on the utterly wrong-headed idea that the government ‘cannot afford’ to run a deficit on the scale required to tackle the problem, and an ideology which puts the interests of capital ahead of those of ordinary people. Because of the limited fiscal and economic powers of the Welsh government, the opportunity to do something different amounts to little more than tinkering around the edges, even if we had a government with sufficient determination to want to take a different approach. If we want to put people first in Wales, we first need to break free of the crazy ideologues running the UK.

Wednesday, 2 August 2017

All models are wrong - and some aren't even useful

On Monday, the Tory group leader in the Assembly demanded that the First Minister dissociate himself from Corbyn’s policies, claiming that they would result in around £4,000 of extra debt for each person in Wales, and that the UK would end up paying around £5.8 billion a year in additional interest payments if Labour’s plans were implemented.  It’s the stuff of good political knock-about, but without a lot more information on how they’ve done their sums (and the Tories don’t exactly have a brilliant record when it comes to financial arithmetic), it’s difficult to know what, if any, relationship exists between his figures and ‘truth’, in the mathematical sense of the word.
But, for the sake of argument, let’s suppose his figures are accurate ones.  Is it really the economic disaster as which he paints it?  Of course, £5.8 billion sounds like a very large sum of money to be paying in extra interest every year, but that’s in absolute terms.  And it makes a number of unstated but implicit assumptions.
The first comparison that has to be made is not, as the Tories effectively claimed, with the status quo, but with what the outcome would be over the same period with a Tory Government.  The implicit assumption in what Davies said is that Tory spending plans would not lead to a similar outcome, but given the way in which out-turn has varied from predictions over the last few years, and the way in which much of the (uncosted) Tory manifesto has been ditched, that looks to me like an invalid assumption.  If there is a gap between the likely outcome under a Corbyn government and the likely outcome under a Tory government (and even that is a significant ‘if’) then it is probable that the gap would be much smaller than Davies is suggesting.  All the signs are that the Tories will also increase borrowing to pay for their programme; the honest question is not how much Labour would need to borrow, but what is the difference in borrowing levels between the two.
The second question is about what proportion of GDP the debt would represent, and what proportion of expenditure any extra interest payments would represent.  Both of those are dependent on a range of assumptions and guesses about the likely level of inflation, economic growth, and interest rates.  Given the propensity of all involved to get such estimates wrong, it would be a very brave person who would claim to know the correct value of any of those variables over a five-year parliament.  But in principle, simple mathematics shows that a debt which increases in absolute value by a smaller percentage than the rate of economic growth will end up reducing the ratio of debt to GDP, which is why the absolute value being used by Davies is irrelevant.  The same mathematics also demonstrates that when interest rates are lower than the rate of inflation, paying more interest in absolute terms can still result in a reduction in the percentage of government income committed to paying interest.
What we do know is that, as things stand today (and I accept that’s a very important caveat), the UK Government is effectively borrowing money interest-free.  It’s costing us, in real terms, absolutely nothing, and given the demand from people who want to lend money to the government, there is no immediate problem in borrowing more.  Indeed, some would even argue that increasing government spending actually generates more tax income than the amount spent: the calculation all depends on the value assigned to the infamous ‘multiplier’.
Now of course it is true that different economists will give different answers to questions such as these, but that merely serves to underline that economists base their predictions on models rather than on absolute truths, and there are a number of different models available.  As the famous statistician, George Box, said, “All models are wrong, but some are useful”.  It’s a point worth bearing in mind that when politicians state categorically what the outcome of a particular policy will be for the economy they are depending on a model of some sort, whether they admit it - or even realise it - or not.
As I said at the beginning, this sort of guff from Davies is all good knock-about politics, but it’s really froth; he has no more clue than do I about the accuracy of what he says.  The real question is why one particular model – the idea that the government is like a giant household, which is used by the Tories when they come out with this stuff – is taken as gospel truth by a media which regularly demands that politicians from other parties explain themselves in the terms mandated by that model.  It would be more useful to political debate – let alone to economic policy – if the idea which underlies much of what they say was challenged more forensically rather than being simply accepted.  And it’s a shame that more opposition politicians don’t appear to have the understanding or the confidence to do that.

Thursday, 29 June 2017

Finding the money

The way in which the Tories and the DUP have cobbled together a deal to keep May in power tells us a lot about the reality of government finances.  The cost of this isn’t just the £1 billion extra outside Barnett for Northern Ireland, it’s also the cost of abandoning badly thought through manifesto commitments on pensions, social care, and the winter fuel allowance.  (As a former Tory Chair put it, had the Tories actually put before the electorate the policies which they’ve now decided to implement, they might well have won the increased majority which May was seeking.)  The total expenditure over and above that implied by the manifesto is probably in excess of £20 billion.  Luckily for the Tories, they didn’t think it necessary to provide costings for their manifesto; had they done so, it would now be obvious just how many billions adrift they are.
That money has to come from somewhere, of course, and some of the discussion has talked about this being “taxpayers’ money”.  That implies that it’s coming from taxes one way or another, but that isn’t necessarily so; it could also come from borrowing.  Or the government could simply create more money.  In any event, finding a few extra billions isn’t a problem, because there really is a magic money tree (or even two) and the ease with which the government has agreed to find the money underlines that fact.  The obsession with reducing the debt is, and always has been, a smokescreen with which to hide an ideological commitment to a smaller state and an increase in wealth disparity.
The amazing thing is that, despite demonstrating time after time that the deficit isn’t a problem, the Tories can still make the media and other parties dance to their tune, and demand that they say how they will reduce the debt which the Tories are busy creating.  It’s a reflection on the quality of journalism today that they are getting away with it.

Monday, 5 June 2017

Magic Money Trees

One of the latest lines to come from the Tories has been the suggestion that Jeremy Corbyn believes that there is a ‘magic money tree’ somewhere.  This tree, they claim, is the only possible source of all the money he needs to pay for his election promises.  It’s actually a good line, and plays well to the idea that the government, like the average household, needs to raise money before it can spend it.  It’s also complete and utter nonsense.  There really is a magic money tree; it’s called quantitative easing. 
In essence, QE is a process in which the central bank creates new money out of thin air, and since QE started in 2009, the Bank of England has created some £435 billion of new money.  It has used this money to buy up government bonds, effectively repaying government debt by giving money back to those who loaned the money (the government now nominally owes the same money to the Bank – which the government also owns…) leaving those people free to decide how to re-invest the money which they’ve been repaid.  So governments can and do create money – and there’s no fixed limit on how much they can create.  Insofar as there is a practical limit, it’s the point at which all that extra money starts to cause inflation; a point which the UK has not yet reached, because of the overall weak state (whatever the government may claim) of the UK economy.
The bigger question is how that new money is used.  The idea behind the process was that the money would find its way into the ‘real’ economy and boost investment and productivity, but using it to repay debt by buying up bonds has merely put it into the hands of people who put it back into other financial products (and some of it even got loaned back to the government in new bonds).  The effect of this has been that very little of the money has actually reached the ‘real’ economy – most of it has ended up benefiting the richest 5%, according to an estimate by the campaigning group Positive-Money.  On their calculations, for every £ created by the Bank of England, around 8p has made it into the everyday economy whilst the rest has gone into the pockets of the wealthiest.
It didn’t have to be this way, though – there’s no hard and fast rule which says that newly created money can only be used to buy up government debt.  The same money could have been used to invest directly in new infrastructure – a proposal put forward by Corbyn in 2015, and described as People’s Quantitative Easing.  The idea is not without its problems, and is supported by some economists and criticised by others, but Positive-Money estimates that every £ used this way would generate around £2.80 worth of extra economic activity.  That means, of course, that a much lower level of money creation would have a much greater effect in terms of stimulating the economy.
In criticising Corbyn for believing in a magic money tree, the Tories are diverting attention from the fact that they already have one of which they are making extensive use, but are using it to benefit the few not the many.

Friday, 13 January 2017

Borrowing from Peter to pay Paul

We can’t go on borrowing indefinitely, according to the Labour-Tory austerity mantra, and we need to reduce the national debt.  One of the ways in which that is to be achieved is by getting private companies, or other countries, to fund infrastructure projects, because, of course, they have the money sitting in their piggy banks and don’t need to depend on borrowing.  Or do they?
I’m far from being a fan of the Wylfa Newydd project in any event, but I noticed recently that there’s something curious about the way in which it’s being funded, when compared with the mantra referred to above.  According to press reports, up to £12 billion of the construction cost will be funded by the Japanese government.  So where, exactly, will the Japanese government find such a sum of money?
According to this list, the country with the largest public debt as a percentage of GDP is … Japan.  (The link shows several different ways of assessing the level of debt – I’ve used the column showing the average of CIA and IMF data.  Using one of the measures, the first and second positions of Japan and Greece are reversed, but the basic point still holds.)  So a country which has a debt ratio of 90% of GDP (the UK) cannot afford to borrow more to fund its infrastructure development, but it will instead rely on another country whose ratio is 174% (Japan) to fund that development.  By borrowing the money, of course.
Borrowing is fine, apparently, as long as someone else is doing it.  It only brings about the end of civilisation as we know it when the UK borrows money.  And that brings me back to a common theme on this blog – the decision as to whether a government should borrow or not owes more to ideology than to economics.

Friday, 9 September 2016

Whose debt is it anyway?

I’ve posted on the GERW figures previously, and particularly on the fact that what they show relates only to the position of Wales as a part of the UK, and tells us little about the position in which Wales would find itself as an independent state.  The overall figures necessarily include estimates for some items of expenditure where the actual cost to Wales cannot be separately identified.
One of those is the cost of servicing the national debt.  As part of the UK, Wales is assumed to bear a part of that cost, and the simplest and easiest assumption to make is that the proportion notionally allocated to Wales should be based on the population of Wales as a proportion of the population of the UK, so an assumption is made that around 5% of the cost is attributable to Wales.
That isn’t the only way of doing it, however.  We could assume that it should be done on the basis of share of GDP; given that Wales lags behind the UK average in terms of GDP that would reduce the share attributable to Wales.  We could do it on the basis of share of directly attributable public expenditure – given that identifiable spend per head in Wales is higher, that would increase the share attributable to Wales.
But all of those methods relate to assessing the position of Wales within the UK.  What would be the position of Wales at independence in relation to the national debt of the UK?  Most nationalists – eminently reasonable people – have tended to assume that Wales would take a share, probably on the basis of population.  But again, that isn’t the only option.
If we look at history, we could ask ourselves one simple question – of all of the countries which have over the last 250 years gained independence from the UK or the British Empire, how many of them took on any part of the national debt of the colonial power?  The Thirteen Colonies of the US?  Australia?  India?  Ireland?  I don’t believe that there is a single example of any country gaining its independence which has agreed to take a share of the national debt of the colonial power over and above any debt built up by any pre-existing local administration prior to independence.  And I’m pretty sure that the same applies to the former possessions of Spain, Portugal, France etc., as well as those of the UK.  Indeed, at the time of the Scottish independence referendum, the UK Treasury itself made it clear that it was ultimately responsible for the whole of the UK’s debt.
What actually happens will be the result of negotiation at the time; but perhaps our starting point should be rather lower than many are assuming – only debt actually incurred by the Welsh Government itself.  It would make a significant difference to the economics of independence.  And before anyone claims that that is tantamount to avoiding our obligations, let’s just remind ourselves – who is it that prevents the Welsh Government from borrowing as it sees fit, and therefore constrains the economic development in Wales which would be required to repay debt?

Monday, 4 July 2016

Trashing the (recent) past

It seems like only yesterday that Cameron and Osborne were telling us that cutting the deficit was an absolute priority, and that we really had no choice.  The rest of the Cabinet duly fell into line, parroting the same phrases on a daily basis.  I don’t remember this imperative being predicated on any particular set of economic or political circumstances; indeed, they even wanted to make it a legally binding requirement on future governments.
Within days of the referendum, the date by which this absolute imperative has to be achieved had been postponed, and now we learn that the Chancellor is planning to cut the government’s income by slashing Corporation Tax (although who knows whether he’ll still be in post long enough to implement the change?).
In the meantime, Stephen Crabb, one of those colleagues who have sat around the Cabinet table with him and duly repeated the mantra about needing to reduce the deficit, has proposed borrowing an extra £20 billion a year for five years – increasing the national debt by £100 billion – to fund infrastructure projects if he is elected as party leader and prime minister.
I don’t actually disagree with the Crabb proposal at all; and in principle, I don’t disagree with cutting Corporation Tax either (my reservations are to do with whether there are adequate controls to make sure that the monies saved are reinvested in expansion and job creation rather than taken out as higher salaries and dividends; something which isn’t at all straightforward to achieve).  The point is, though, that the way in which they can so easily backtrack confirms what some of us have said all along – deficit reduction is an ideological imperative, not an economic one.
There is not, and never has been, a problem with government borrowing, and there is not, and never has been, a magic number at which point borrowing becomes unsustainable.  Sensible pragmatic economic policy borrows when rates are low; it is ideology which dictates that borrowing is inherently bad.  National budgets are not like household budgets.  I’d like to believe that they’ll stop spouting nonsense about repairing roofs while the sun shines or maxing out the national credit card, but that might be a bit too much to expect.  We’ll have to settle for the tacit admission that they were just plain wrong all along.