Friday, 9 June 2017

An initial reaction

At one level, not a lot has changed; it is clear that we will still have a Tory Government, which will be able to rely on the members of the DUP for support on most issues, even without a formal agreement or coalition.  Yet at another level a great deal has changed; a Prime Minister who chose to make the election all about how strong she was and how she needed to strengthen her hand has become a Prime Minister who has demonstrated how weak she is and has weakened her own hand.  It was a spectacular miscalculation.
In terms of the immediate problem in hand, it does not change the fact of the Brexit vote; there is still no majority in parliament for revisiting the decision or allowing a second vote when the details are clear.  What has changed is that there is no longer a majority in the House of Commons for a form of Brexit which involves leaving both the single market and the Customs Union.  Even the DUP, as I understand their position, prefer continued membership of both whilst being outside the EU itself; and there are some members on the Tory benches – even some strong Brexiteers - who would also prefer that scenario, for a period at least, and who are rather less committed to the hard-line anti-immigrant rhetoric of people like May.
However, a preference for that outcome isn’t the same as a willingness to support the concessions which will be necessary to achieve it.  Whilst membership of the European Economic Area can offer many of the economic benefits of membership of the EU, it would come at a price, in terms of acceptance of EU rules, acceptance of the authority of the ECJ, annual payments into the EU, and a willingness to accept freedom of movement.  Without compromise on at least some of those, it’s hard to see how the parliamentary majority can be translated into a deal.
I find it hard to see how even May, with her recently well-demonstrated ability to stand on her head whilst arguing that she hasn’t moved, can make any of the necessary compromises – replacing her is probably the first prerequisite for a change in the UK’s position to a more pragmatic stance.  The good news is that her party will probably see to that, even if not immediately.  The second prerequisite is probably for the Labour Party to drop its insistence on an end to free movement and be a bit more open to compromise.  At the moment, I’m not sure how likely that is; they seem to have hooked themselves on an anti-immigration peg in the belief that it was electorally necessary.
Thinking around the alternative futures for Wales, I remain convinced that reversing Brexit is the best option, and I remain disappointed that so few are making that case.  But continued membership of the single market and Customs Union through the EEA would at least offer a fast-track return to the EU at some future date – either for the UK as a whole or for an independent Wales (and Scotland).  I can at least see a route forward for an independent Wales in that context, which I could not see in the context of the type of Brexit being pursued by May.  However, yesterday’s result was not enough to make me feel optimistic about such an outcome – just a little less pessimistic.

Thursday, 8 June 2017

Appearing tough

There are three things which the Tories can normally be relied upon to do when a response is needed to any question of ‘Laura Norder’.  The first is to blame someone or something else, the second is to restrict citizens’ rights, and the third is to promise tougher penalties.  And, sure enough, the Prime Minister has rehearsed all three over the past day or two in response to the atrocities in Manchester and London.  And they’re all as irrelevant in this case as usual.
The implied blame in this case is a combination of incorporating human rights legislation into UK law, and making the UK subject to ‘foreign’ courts, which actually dare to uphold the relevant legislation.  It’s a convenient scapegoat, but it is being used to divert attention from the fact that, as Home Secretary, Theresa May herself failed to protect the UK using the already adequate powers which she had.  And part of the reason for that failure brings us to the second strand of her response.
Taking away, or reducing, citizens’ rights is always their preferred option.  In general, it often seems as though they’d really prefer it if citizens didn’t have any rights at all, and just did whatever they were told – the surprising thing is that so many people seem to accept that it’s a good idea, but then, they probably are assuming that it will only affect ‘someone else’.  But in many ways, tearing up our protections against over-intrusive security services is a way of making up for a lack of resources within those services.  And that’s what ties the first and the second strand together – the problem isn’t that someone else is to blame, nor that human rights prevent the proper operation of the security services, it is that the resources available to those services have been consciously and deliberately reduced over recent years by a Home Secretary whose priority was financial.  And let’s just remind ourselves who that Home Secretary was.
In the case of the third strand, the response is just plain silly.  The argument is that knowing that there will be longer jail sentences for perpetrators of crime makes them less likely to commit crime.  I can see how that might conceivably work in the case of, say, burglary, but it depends on the idea that the burglar will sit down and do a cost-benefit analysis of the potential gain from the burglary and the potential pain of the jail term.  That seems highly unlikely to me; insofar as our hypothetical burglar does any weighing of the pros and cons in advance, the factor most likely to weigh in his or her mind is the probability of getting caught.  (And that, of course, brings us straight back to the question of the level of police resources…)  However, in the case of our would-be terrorist attacker, he or she has already assumed that the outcome of the attack will be his or her death; either through use of a suicide bomb or else by police action.  The idea that knowing that they face a sentence of 30 years rather than 20, say, if they survive is hardly likely to be much of a deterrent.  Could it be a deterrent to those aiding and abetting the actual attackers?  That also seems unlikely to me; martyrdom is a part of their belief system, and prison is just another form of martyrdom.
I can’t believe that May actually believes any of what she says on these points; it looks more like a pitch to persuade people that she’s being tough.  But appearing to be tough isn’t the same as actually being tough, nor as solving a very serious problem.  It might win a few votes though, which is what it’s really about.

Wednesday, 7 June 2017

The problem with Corbyn

Whatever the result of the election, there is no question that Jeremy Corbyn has had a much better election than most assumed would be the case at the outset.  Partly, this has been because he’s been given more air time to reveal the real man rather than the bogeyman of the right wing media, and partly because the pressure of an election has revealed just how flaky and incompetent his opponent is.  And he’s been able to produce a manifesto which contains a series of very popular pledges.  It’s easy to imagine how much better he might have done if the majority of his own party’s MPs hadn’t spent most of the past two years seeking to undermine and destabilise him at every turn.  They have a lot to answer for.
And that brings me to the first of my doubts about both Corbyn and Labour.  Just supposing for a moment that he pulls off the electoral surprise of the century and ends up in a position in parliament where a Labour-led government or a Labour minority government becomes a realistic possibility.  They have said that they would put forward their manifesto proposals in the Queen’s Speech and challenge the other parties to support or oppose them.  That’s a reasonable basis for proceeding, except for one thing: how certain could we be that his own party’s MPs would back him?  Challenging Plaid, the SNP, the Greens, and the Lib Dems to oppose him if they dare is one thing – but what if all those recalcitrant MPs who would prefer large chunks of the Tory manifesto to the Labour one decide not to back him?
It’s not my only doubt about him and his party.  Leaving aside the question of Trident renewal, there are a number of other issues which concern me, of which I’ll mention just two.
Whilst I think that his approach to negotiation over Brexit is more likely to result in a deal of some sort than the petulant and hostile stance of someone who seems to believe that she has an entitlement to expect everyone else to cave in, Corbyn, like May, has already ruled out continued freedom of movement.  So whilst he’s less likely to see the UK crashing out with no deal of any sort, he’s unlikely to get a deal which goes much beyond some sort of transitional arrangements.  It’s hardly inspiring – and he, like May, has already ruled out putting the final terms back to the people, regardless of the state of public opinion at the time.
And my second major reservation about Corbyn is that he seems to have an inexplicable blind spot when it comes to Wales and Scotland.  Here is a man who supports the goal of an independent and united Ireland, who supports movements for freedom and democracy across the globe, yet seems to be incapable of coming to terms with the idea that there are people in Scotland – and to a lesser extent in Wales – who want to enjoy the same type of freedom.  I really do not understand why he is so unable to grasp the parallel.

Tuesday, 6 June 2017

Losing the argument

The battering which Corbyn has taken throughout the election campaign on the question of Trident has been a sad reflection on the state of politics.  It’s an issue on which he has been utterly consistent for the whole of his political life, but seeing interviewers trying to bully him to say that he’s changed his mind when he very clearly has not done so has been a depressing exhibition of the power of the media to create and sustain the Tory narrative.  He’s handicapped, of course, by the lack of support for his viewpoint within his own party, particularly from those unions who seem to see preparing for nuclear annihilation as just an expensive job creation scheme, but refusing to change his mind, or even just pretend that he’s changed his mind to please a particular audience, is surely a sign of strength and conviction rather than the weakness as which it’s been portrayed.
The hounding of him on the issue during the Question Time non-debate left me feeling that there’s something very wrong in a country where a gung-ho willingness to incinerate millions by launching a first strike is deemed one of the most important tests of leadership.  It’s about time someone challenged the established consensus on nuclear weapons, and it’s a great pity that his own party has prevented Corbyn from doing that effectively at an election for the first time in a generation.
It also raises a question in my mind about the much-vaunted ‘British values’ which the Prime Minister keeps banging on about.  In the light of recent events, she has quite rightly condemned those who are prepared to strap on a suicide vest and go out and kill as many randomly selected civilians as they can as being something which is completely contrary to those values.  But at the same time, she tells us that being willing and ready to launch a nuclear strike which will kill millions of randomly selected civilians (as well as probably being suicidal for the UK if the target country itself possesses nuclear weapons) is a key test of support for those same values.
Now some will no doubt object to that comparison, and argue that the whole point of having nuclear weapons is never to need to use them; that the very act of possessing them acts as a deterrent.  And obviously, they can only be a deterrent if the ‘other side’ completely believes that the PM of the day will be ready and willing to use them if the UK is attacked or if he or she believes that the UK is in imminent danger of attack.  All of that is true, of course.  But my point is simply this: a Prime Minister who declares publicly and repeatedly that she is ready and willing to order the deaths of millions of civilians – men, women, and children alike – is not in a particularly good position to argue that attacking and killing civilians is somehow alien to her core values.  Of course there are differences of opinion about the circumstances in which it can be justified, but having stated that there are indeed circumstances in which it’s not only justified, but she’s willing to do it, she’s lost the argument about values and principles.  Corbyn, at least, is still in a position to argue on the basis of values and principles - May is not.
None of this can or should be taken to provide any sort of excuse or pretext for recent attacks, but ridding humanity of its propensity to resort to extreme violence isn’t a problem restricted only to ‘others’.  The UK’s continued possession of nuclear weapons is a clear and unequivocal statement of a willingness to use them, and thus is itself a provocative act.  And it’s the sort of act which tells us more about the true values of our political leaders than any amount of rhetoric ever can.

Monday, 5 June 2017

Magic Money Trees

One of the latest lines to come from the Tories has been the suggestion that Jeremy Corbyn believes that there is a ‘magic money tree’ somewhere.  This tree, they claim, is the only possible source of all the money he needs to pay for his election promises.  It’s actually a good line, and plays well to the idea that the government, like the average household, needs to raise money before it can spend it.  It’s also complete and utter nonsense.  There really is a magic money tree; it’s called quantitative easing. 
In essence, QE is a process in which the central bank creates new money out of thin air, and since QE started in 2009, the Bank of England has created some £435 billion of new money.  It has used this money to buy up government bonds, effectively repaying government debt by giving money back to those who loaned the money (the government now nominally owes the same money to the Bank – which the government also owns…) leaving those people free to decide how to re-invest the money which they’ve been repaid.  So governments can and do create money – and there’s no fixed limit on how much they can create.  Insofar as there is a practical limit, it’s the point at which all that extra money starts to cause inflation; a point which the UK has not yet reached, because of the overall weak state (whatever the government may claim) of the UK economy.
The bigger question is how that new money is used.  The idea behind the process was that the money would find its way into the ‘real’ economy and boost investment and productivity, but using it to repay debt by buying up bonds has merely put it into the hands of people who put it back into other financial products (and some of it even got loaned back to the government in new bonds).  The effect of this has been that very little of the money has actually reached the ‘real’ economy – most of it has ended up benefiting the richest 5%, according to an estimate by the campaigning group Positive-Money.  On their calculations, for every £ created by the Bank of England, around 8p has made it into the everyday economy whilst the rest has gone into the pockets of the wealthiest.
It didn’t have to be this way, though – there’s no hard and fast rule which says that newly created money can only be used to buy up government debt.  The same money could have been used to invest directly in new infrastructure – a proposal put forward by Corbyn in 2015, and described as People’s Quantitative Easing.  The idea is not without its problems, and is supported by some economists and criticised by others, but Positive-Money estimates that every £ used this way would generate around £2.80 worth of extra economic activity.  That means, of course, that a much lower level of money creation would have a much greater effect in terms of stimulating the economy.
In criticising Corbyn for believing in a magic money tree, the Tories are diverting attention from the fact that they already have one of which they are making extensive use, but are using it to benefit the few not the many.

Friday, 2 June 2017

It's what she doesn't say that matters

Yesterday, the Prime Minister told us that she believes that the UK will become more prosperous following Brexit.  In the simplistic terms in which it is stated, and treating the phrase ‘following Brexit’ as a temporal rather than a causal expression with no specific date put on the realisation of that outcome, I’d even agree.  But it’s close to being a statement of the obvious; given economic history, the trend line over the long term towards increasing prosperity is clearly an upward one.  Regardless of what politicians do or say, the long term underlying trend points in only one direction.
It’s not answering the right question, though; like almost everything which the Prime Minister prefaces with the words “I’m very clear about…”, it’s obfuscation rather than an attempt to provide clarity.  The right question is not whether the UK is likely to be more prosperous in the future than it is now; it is whether it will be more prosperous because of Brexit than it would have been if Brexit didn’t happen.  And the second question – probably of even more significance – is how that prosperity is shared.
The answer to the first is essentially unknowable over the long term.  There are too many factors to be able to predict accurately, and any predictions would be based on assumptions – essentially guesses – as to what may happen.  I tend to the view that the longer term economic scenarios (Brexit vs no Brexit) will converge; the argument was never primarily an economic one for me.  But in the short term, it seems clear to me that growth in prosperity will falter.  It may even reverse for a while, depending on the terms of any deal - with ‘no deal’ causing the biggest short term problems.  In the short term, any form of Brexit has more economic downside than upside, and the Brexiteers would have been more honest had they spelled that out from the outset.  Whether it is really a case of ‘short term pain for long term gain’ remains to be seen (they may be right, even if I’m not convinced); but it’s a more honest position than claiming we’re on the way to an immediate land of milk and honey.
The bigger question is about how any increase in prosperity will be shared, both geographically and demographically.  Some of the proposals which have emanated from the Brexit camp, such as deregulation and seeking to become some sort of tax haven, carry very clear implications that the disparity in wealth between the well-off and the less so will continue to increase.  And the suggestion that targeted regional aid should be replaced by a pot of money for which regions could bid suggests a move away from the EU policy of trying to spread wealth geographically as well.  Under such a scenario, an ‘average’ increase in prosperity for the UK is unlikely to have much impact here in Wales.
As with so much of what May says, the most important part of what she said is what she didn’t say.  Not for nothing does she avoid committing to any detail.  

Thursday, 1 June 2017

Who's threatening who?

One of the slogans which the Prime Minister and other members of her party are repeating ad nauseam is the one about no deal being better than a bad deal.  It seems to be quite popular with a particular target audience - it’s just about the only line which got her any applause in the non-debate with Corbyn a few days ago.  It’s also one of the silliest things which she’s said – so how come she’s getting away with it?
At an irrational level, I suspect that it may be down to the fact that any compromise in discussions with the EU27 may require some flexibility – for the short term at least – on the question of freedom of movement, and for those who are motivated first and foremost by a desire to keep out foreigners, the economic price of no deal may well be outweighed by the dream of eliminating immigration.  On the other hand, those who are looking more at the economic consequences may well be mindful of the ‘truth’ that it is important in any negotiation that ‘the other side’ knows that if you can’t get a satisfactory deal, then you’ll walk away.  Anyone who’s ever been involved in a commercial negotiation will understand that – it’s precisely because it has a ring of truth about it that it strikes a chord.
Context is everything though.  In a negotiation to secure an improvement on the current situation which is beneficial to both sides, it is an entirely rational position to take.  In those circumstances, if the deal on the table at the end of the day was not better than the current status quo, then walking away with no deal would be a sensible thing to do.  At that point, all existing arrangements would simply prevail, and everything would carry on with no change.  That would be the situation, for instance, if the UK were currently outside the EU seeking entry.
The problem is – and this is why it’s such a silly and simplistic attitude – that that isn’t where we are.  We’re not negotiating for an improvement on our current situation – that was never going to be a possibility.  We’re negotiating to mitigate the economic impact of a decision which we’ve already taken, and the fall back is not simply to stay with the status quo, but to walk away with no mitigation at all.  May’s mantra amounts to saying that ‘no mitigation is better than less mitigation than we want’.  It’s utter nonsense, and no wonder that the EU27 are scratching their heads in amazement.  If the negotiations fail, walking away does not simply mean that the status quo continues; quite the reverse.  Walking away doesn’t take us back to where we were before we entered the EU; it takes us somewhere entirely different.
The UK Government has, it tells us, done little or no work on scoping out what ‘no deal’ looks like, but we know that it means a reversion to WTO rules and tariffs.   We also know that it means a lengthy period during which the UK has to renegotiate hundreds of deals and treaties with other countries.  Since the rest of the EU can’t offer a worse deal than WTO terms, even if it wanted to, I suspect that the very worst deal which could emerge from any negotiations is an agreement on a transitional period during which the UK can start to deal with the incredible amount of detail which needs attention.  The attitude of May and her cabinet seems almost designed to deter the EU27 from offering even that.  Even the worst conceivable deal – agreement on nothing other than a settlement of debts and a transitional period – is always going to be better than no deal at all, but they seem determined to create an excuse for walking away with nothing.
I’m struggling to understand whether they know all this really, and are just spinning a line in the hope of winning a few votes by sounding tough, or whether they really believe what they’re saying.  Perhaps sufficient UK electors may yet be taken in, but I doubt that the EU leaders are going to be quite as gullible as the crowd in that old cowboy film.

Wednesday, 31 May 2017

Old habits never die

I was ‘lucky’ enough to receive the election communication for our local Tory candidate this week, and it contains some ‘interesting’ claims.  Firstly, there was the rather strange claim that having campaigned for the Brexit Secretary David Davis means that he knows how to get a good deal for Carmarthenshire from Brexit.  The idea that this knowledge has transferred from one person to another by some sort of osmosis just by campaigning together is remarkable enough; even more remarkable is the implicit suggestion that David Davis has much idea himself about how to get a good deal.  Or perhaps that’s the problem – his fellow campaigner has somehow sucked all the knowledge out of him.
Apparently, voting for Havard Hughes (and Theresa May, who according to his posters – “standing with Theresa May in Carmarthen East and Dinefwr” – is also a local candidate) will “stop Plaid from blocking Brexit”.  I’m sure that Plaid would find his faith in their ability – with an expected 3 MPs out of 650 – to stop Brexit in its tracks more than a little flattering, but it only serves to convince me that, despite his apparently impeccable local pedigree, he has spent more time in the recent past dwelling in the same galaxy as his party’s leader.  And it completely ignores the fact that Plaid, like the remainers in his own party and the Labour Party, seem to have given up the fight to retain Wales’ place in Europe.
He goes further – a vote for him will “stop Plaid from helping Brussels break Britain and our economy in revenge for Brexit”.  This is the sort of foaming-at-the-mouth approach to those evil bureaucrats in Brussels which I would generally expect only from UKIP, but it serves to underline just how far in that direction a party which mostly (remember those faraway days just one year ago?) campaigned to remain in the EU has gone off the rails in its pursuit of UKIP votes.
In his write-up in the Carmarthen Journal last week, Mr Hughes revealed that he used to be a member of the Lib Dems, along with his mother (who fought previous elections in this area), before they both defected to the Tories.  However, his leaflet shows that he hasn’t lost all his Liberal Democrat tendencies; it includes a nice bar chart, based on “recent odds” from some bookie or other, which demonstrates, with complete disregard to any actual votes cast in the past, that only the Tories can beat Plaid in this constituency.  You can take a man out of the Lib Dems, but you can’t take the Lib Dems out of a man, to misquote an old saying.

Tuesday, 30 May 2017

Being strong

The idea that the Prime Minister of the UK should be a ‘strong’ person is core to the Tory election appeal.  And I can understand why anyone would want to think that the country’s leader was a ‘strong’ person.  Whether the current Prime Minister meets the criterion (which is the other side of the Tories’ campaign) is another question; and the answer depends largely on what the word ‘strong’ actually means.
Over many years – in both politics and my working life - I’ve come across a variety of leaders of different types, some of which I’d regard as having been strong leaders, and others of which I’d regard as having been weak leaders.  And I’ve been thinking about the attributes which lead me to those conclusions. 
Strong is certainly not the same as stubborn; a degree of determination can make a leader appear strong, but a refusal ever to consider the possibility of an alternative approach is stubborn rather than determined.
Then there’s the question of discussion with others.  Indecisiveness – and giving the impression that you agree with whoever was the last person you spoke to – will always come across as weakness, but it’s often the strongest leaders who have the confidence to listen to and discuss with others before forming a conclusion.  The line between those two positions isn’t always clear, but it’s an important distinction.  Being unable to hear an opposing view is invariably a sign of weakness rather than strength. 
In any negotiation, having a clear idea of what you want to get out of the discussions from the outset is clearly a strength, but being unable to articulate that – or, even worse, being unable to distinguish between a wish list and an acceptable outcome – is a weakness, not a strength.  And assuming that the other side will roll over if only you shout loud enough is not negotiating at all.
So, confidence tempered by a willingness to listen; an ability to persuade rather than simply instruct; and an ability to be flexible around the detail whilst working for a clear overall aim – all these things would help me to feel that a leader is ‘strong’.  Applying all of these tests to the leaders of the two main UK parties doesn't give me a whole heap of confidence in either, but insofar as there is a 'winner' at all, it isn’t Theresa May.  So how are the Tories and their friends in the media getting away with portraying a weak leader as something she patently is not?

Wednesday, 24 May 2017

Beware leopards and spots

The launch of the Tories’ ‘Welsh’ manifesto on Monday was somewhat (deliberate understatement) overshadowed by the astonishing U-turn on a social care cap, and the Prime Minister’s Trump-like insistence that a reversal of what has been said just a few days previously was merely an alternative fact a minor clarification.  But it meant that the import of some of the other things being said – in a more specifically Welsh context – did not get the attention it deserved.
I suppose the very fact that the ‘Welsh’ manifesto was launched by the UK leader rather than depending on any natives should have been warning in itself (the self-styled ‘Welsh leader’ wasn’t even present – whether by lack of invitation or lack of inclination is unstated).  But some of the comments made should give serious cause for concern in relation to the resilience (I was tempted to say strength and stability) of the devolution settlement.  How can these statements:
·         "The United Kingdom Government has in the past tended to 'devolve and forget'.  This Conservative government will put that right.”
·         “We will work closely with the Welsh Government for the benefit of all our people - but that will not be the limit of our actions in Wales."
be interpreted, other than as a clear statement that a re-elected Theresa May would have no intention of respecting the boundaries between devolved and non-devolved responsibilities?
And, constitutionally, she has every right to interfere and over-rule the Welsh Government and the National Assembly at any time of her choosing.  The convention that the UK Government would not do so is exactly what it says, a convention. And as the Article 50 Supreme Court proceedings demonstrated, there is absolutely no requirement on the UK Government to abide by that convention.  It underlines the truth which devolutionists would prefer that we didn’t understand – all the powers of the National Assembly and Welsh Government are ‘on loan’ from Westminster, and can be reclaimed at any time.
There is one way, and only one way, of replacing the concept of sovereignty as the inalienable right of the Crown-in-Parliament with the concept of sovereignty belonging to the people of Wales and that is by securing Welsh independence.  The Tories’ commitment to devolution is being shown to be the same as their commitment to any other policy – it will only last as long as the UK leader decides (which, as we’ve seen on other policy areas, might only be days at a time).