There are at least four different reasons why a
society might decide to imprison those who break its agreed rules, and the
debate about an early release scheme – driven not by any concerns about justice
or fairness, but by a lack of places in which to lock up even more offenders –
doesn’t really seem to have paid a lot of attention to the balance between
them.
The first is as a form of punishment, and this is the
one which seems to have attracted all of the attention. Indeed, most demands
for ‘justice’ seem to revolve around the length of a prison sentence handed
down to an offender, with the degree of ‘justice’ delivered apparently depending
mostly on the length of that sentence. And most of the outcry against the early
release scheme has related to the idea that the level of punishment is being
reduced.
The second reason is about public protection /
prevention of re-offending. When it comes to the question of whether or not ‘prison
works’, this is the one area in which one can say unequivocally that it does
indeed work, because an individual locked in a cell cannot re-offend during the
period of incarceration. Whether (s)he would have done so unincarcerated is much
harder to answer.
The third reason is about deterrence. The underlying
rationale is that if someone commits a crime and gets a lengthy sentence as a
result, then it will deter others from committing the same crime. It is far
from clear that this actually works, given that it assumes that the criminal is
carefully weighing up the odds of being caught and found guilty before taking a
rational decision as to whether to offend or not. A lot of crime (admittedly
not all) is either opportunistic or committed in the heat of the moment – ‘deterrence’
is unlikely to make much of a difference.
The fourth reason is about rehabilitation /
re-education – trying to ensure that offenders are unlikely to re-offend when
released and can more easily re-assume their place in society. It’s an area
where the UK justice system is notoriously bad – offenders are more likely to
learn new ways of offending than new skills for their future.
The biggest problem with the UK government’s early
release scheme is that it is primarily based on considering the category of
crime committed rather than looking at all the circumstances of the offenders.
So when an offender is considered by the public at large to be unsuitable for
release, the government resorts to excluding all those who have committed the
same or a similar crime. Even leaving aside the question about whether public
rage (often whipped up by the tabloid press) is the right basis to determine
whether an individual should or should not be released early, treating all
those who have committed similar crimes in the way that the public demands one
of them should be treated is a bit like abdicating responsibility to a mob.
Instead of debating whether we should really be
locking up so many people (more
than many other European countries), politicians have chosen to invent more
crimes and equate ‘justice’ with longer terms in prison, competing to see who
can mandate the longest and harshest sentences (in the belief that it will be
popular), during which those imprisoned not only contribute nothing to society
but also cost an ever-increasing sum to keep them economically inactive.
Without building the extra spaces that such an approach inevitably requires.
The result is a panic last minute response to a crisis of their own making
which finds them with neither the time nor the resources to make a proper
assessment of which prisoners should be released early and which should not. It’s
a response which serves the interests of neither the prisoners themselves nor
society at large. And there’s still no sign that the problem is really being
recognised.

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