There seems to be a quiet difference of opinion
amongst those who want us all to prepare for war with Russia: will the
apparently inevitable Russian attack come in 2029 or in 2030? Either way, the
dates postulated by defence ‘experts’ are largely arbitrary, carefully selected
to be close enough to provoke action, but far enough in the future for that
action to be meaningful. The ‘action’ required, of course, is to divert
resources from those things which benefit the population as a whole, such as
education, health, and transport, into the development and acquisition of
armaments. Two years from now, the difference of opinion over the assumed date
of attack will be between 2031 and 2032. It doesn’t matter how much is spent,
or what weaponry is ‘required’, the need to add to it, or replace it with even
newer versions, will always be there in the minds of the warmongers, to say
nothing of the arms manufacturers.
Why, precisely, Russia would want to attack isn’t
debated as widely as it should be; after all, if the threat was genuine, we’d
know why they might want to attack, wouldn’t we? I simply don’t buy the idea
that world domination by force is the motivating factor. But there is just a
big hole where that question should be, and a vague assumption that Russia
simply wants to expand the territory which it controls. From what Putin has
said, we know that he has some strange beliefs, based on his curious understanding
of history. In his view, Ukraine is not a nation, and its people are just
Russians with an odd dialect. He also seems to believe that countries
previously ruled from Moscow are destined by fate to be so, and should be
brought back into the fold. Whether those beliefs are the driver of his military
ambitions, or just a story told to justify them is another question. Telling
stories as justification isn’t a trait unique to Putin.
In reality, it is surely much more likely that he
genuinely believed the other story that he has told, which is that NATO and ‘the
West’ in general intended to surround and dismember Russia, and he was
therefore acting pre-emptively in launching the invasion. The biggest reason
for striking first is always likely to be a fear that the other side would otherwise
do so, coupled with the belief that striking first confers advantage. All of
that, combined with a misunderstanding of the extent to which Ukrainians,
particularly in the east, wanted to be Russians, and an underestimation of the
likely resistance might have made it all a huge miscalculation. But one doesn’t
have to be a Putin supporter or apologist to wonder whether, from the
perspective of the Kremlin, the threat might have looked very real. It’s a
perspective which continued active preparation for war in three or four years’
time is more likely to reinforce than dispel.
The military build-up is always presented to us as ‘deterrent’;
the idea is that being seen to have a greater capability to destroy and kill
will ensure that the attack never comes. It could, though, simply provoke it. Whether
carrying a big stick to ward off invaders actually works is impossible to know.
The fact that the putative invaders don’t invade whilst we’re waving the stick
doesn’t prove that it worked – they might never have wanted to invade in the first
place. But finding bigger sticks every year might eventually convince those
believed to be would-be invaders that they had better act before the stick is
used against them anyway. Logically, what looks like a deterrent to one can
always look like a threat to the other. Discussion and mutually-agreed
de-escalation are always going to be the safer route. They also mean that
resources can be used more beneficially - 'defence' is about more than territory, there are other aspects to building a secure future for the population.
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