Blair
told us over the weekend that
he’d made a mistake over devolution, because he “failed to do enough to ensure Welsh and Scottish devolution did not
undermine the UK's national identity” and “did not understand in the late 1990s the need to maintain cultural unity
between the different parts of the United Kingdom”. An admission that he might have ever got
anything wrong is something of a departure for him, but it seems to me that
what it really tells us is that he did not understand at the time, and still
does not understand now, why people in Scotland and Wales wanted devolution in
the first place.
At
the time that devolution was enacted, he – like many others in his party – saw
devolution to Wales and Scotland as just the first step in the regionalisation
of the UK, to be followed by the creation of regional assemblies across
England. They saw it, primarily, as
being about better governance and administration rather than having anything to
do with identity. The regionalisation
plan got as far as a referendum for the North-East, but came to a sudden and
abrupt halt when the idea was overwhelmingly rejected.
One
might have thought that a rational response would be to ask why the idea was so
popular in Scotland, and managed a small majority in Wales, but was so clearly
rejected in England – but that seems to be a question Blair never asked
himself. Had he done so, he would have
understood at the time that identity was at the heart of the demand for the
creation of national elected bodies for Scotland and Wales. If it were purely about the regionalisation
of the UK and good governance, why would anyone choose those particular
boundaries, particularly in the case of Wales?
The answer is because they mark the boundaries of perceived nations
containing within them people who identify with a nation other than simply the
UK. It doesn’t follow that all those who
voted for devolution were or have since become independentistas, but had it not been for that sense of identity
and belonging, and a desire to see that expressed in political terms, there
would never have been a majority for devolution in either country.
It
follows from that that it was always inevitable that giving political
expression to that perceived sense of nationhood would lead to differences in
policy (there’s no point otherwise), and a probable strengthening of those
different identities. None of that
necessarily leads to a demand for independence, as the different paths trodden
by the two devolved nations shows, but the belief that it would have no effect
on the way in which people choose to identify (or not) with the UK, let alone
that it could have been prevented by taking stronger action to promote UK
identity, shows a surprisingly naïve side of Blair. Or perhaps it merely confirms that he never
saw the issue as important or took much interest in it.
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