Economists can
face difficulties in analysing what happened in the past before records became
as detailed as they are today, and often depend on extrapolation from other
data. Despite that, there is a general
agreement that India was responsible for around 25% of the world’s industrial
output in 1750 and that the proportion fell to around 2% by 1900. If the detail of the figures is inevitably
subject to debate, the cause of the fall is even more so (there’s an interesting
analysis of both the figures and the causes here).
But as the history
of the British Empire shows, globalisation of trade is not as new as it
sometimes appears, and the balance can swing from one country or region to
another over time. For India, the imposition
of Imperial rule, at the same time as the Industrial Revolution in Britain,
coincided with a switch of manufacturing from India to Britain as the Indian
economy became one supplying raw materials rather than finished goods. It's not hard to see a causal relationship there.
In short, India
lost much of its industry and the key economic decisions leading to that were
taken elsewhere. It’s tempting to see
last week’s announcement on the future of steel-making in the UK as a sort of
mirror image of that process – de-industrialization of the UK as a result of
decisions taken in India. That’s a bit
over-simplistic, of course, but there is a more general parallel. In the 18th and 19th
centuries, there was a flow of economic power from places such as India and
China to Western Europe in particular – and that flow is now increasingly moving
in the opposite direction. And just as others
seemed to be powerless to prevent the flow in the past, governments here seem
to believe themselves largely impotent in the face of the reverse threat today.
Does it have to
be so? The rebalancing of the world’s
economy, with wealth shared more equally, which is underway is certainly long
overdue, and those of us supporting such a move have to recognise that any such
readjustment is likely to involve a certain amount of pain. But that pain is exaggerated by the
insistence – shared by all parties – that the size of the respective shares
must be decided by competition rather than by co-operation. Our politicians seem mostly unable to
conceive of a world where countries and peoples work together for a fair
distribution of the world’s finite resources rather than a world full of cut-throat
competition in which all participants seek to maximise their own share. But that’s an ideological driver, not an
economic one.
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