It’s not clear
whether the suggestion
from ‘a government source’ that the House of Lords could face abolition unless
they ‘do their patriotic duty’ by voting for Brexit was a deliberate attempt to
float something which could later be denied or simply a sign of
incompetence. As a rule, incompetence is
the simplest solution when a government appears to contradict itself, but in
this case I’m not so sure. And, of course,
the ‘source’ didn’t actually suggest that the government would move to abolish
the Lords; merely that there might be an ‘overwhelming’ public demand that they
do so.
It’s entirely
possible that there are some in government who would want to put the
frighteners on their noble lordships – well on those lords awake enough to
notice, anyway. And it could be argued
that it’s not so much a threat as a prediction; given the tabloid outbursts
against the ‘treacherous’ judges who dared to uphold the law over Brexit, it is
wholly conceivable that those same tabloids will turn against the Lords if they
dare to even suggest amendments to the Brexit Bill. And they won’t even have the potential fear
of being held in contempt of court to temper their language.
There’s
something very ironic, though, about the idea that the Lords might eventually
be abolished by a Conservative government, with the full support of the right-wing
press, after Labour’s abject failure to deal with the problem whenever they’ve
had the opportunity over the last century.
And if it comes to pass, is it even conceivable that we would see Labour
rushing to defend the institution? I’d like
to think not, but these days, who knows?
At one level,
it could be a case of the proverbial ‘ill wind’, if the Brexit process were to
be the catalyst leading to the wholly desirable outcome of abolishing an
institution which is hopelessly outdated, and which has survived for as long as
it has only because our elected representatives are more wedded to tradition
than to democracy. There is a danger,
though, of looking at only one part of the problem, namely that part which acts
as some sort of restraint on the executive.
Most of the
arguments for having a second chamber at all are to do with the failings of the
first chamber. And those problems were
well illustrated by the way in which the Brexit Bill was conceived, written,
and rammed through the House of Commons.
They call it ‘scrutiny’ and ‘holding the government to account’. In reality it was neither. Arguing that we need a second chamber to
provide the scrutiny which the first fails to provide, and that it needs to be
unelected because that’s the only way it can be free enough to do the job,
serves only to underline how seriously deficient are the House of Commons and
its processes.
I’d be
delighted to see the Lords abolished, and the sooner the better. But let’s not overlook the concurrent need
for reform of the Commons to ensure that it isn’t just a rubber stamp for the
government of the day. And that reform
probably needs to start with Proportional Representation.
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