It seems like only days ago (probably
because it was only days ago) that Boris Johnson was warning
people against being Russophobic. Hardly surprising, in a way, for a man who
just a few years ago declared
himself to be a committed Russophile. (To say nothing of his being a fervent
Sinophile, which is also not a spectacularly good look at present.) In his
view, there are good Russians (who donate large sums of money to the
Conservative Party) and bad Russians (who owe their wealth, mostly crooked in
origin, to the active intervention, or at least passive tolerance, of the
Kremlin). The alert may notice that there is no necessary contradiction between
the two categories, leaving us with a significant number of Schrodinger’s
Russians (those who are simultaneously both good and bad). This week, the Prime
minister has warned
that allowing foreigners who have made their homes here to vote in local and
Senedd elections would open up the UK’s political system to donations from
foreign governments, singling out Russians for his attention, in what would
look strangely like a Russophobic statement if it hadn’t come from a man who
told us that we must not be Russophobic.
Some may struggle to reconcile these two
statements – after all, given the extent to which the PM’s party has benefited
from generous donations from Russians who qualify to donate by virtue of being
on the electoral register, it’s reasonable to wonder why he is now so strongly
against it. There is, though, a key difference. The extremely large donations
which have been made to his party have come from wealthy Russians who have been allowed
to buy UK citizenship, using the money which they’ve effectively stolen from
the Russian state and its citizens, aided and abetted by the kleptocracy in the
Kremlin. Allowing ordinary, common or garden foreigners – teachers, lecturers,
doctors and the like – to vote (and thus donate money from their legitimate
earnings) might aid parties other than his own, whereas any sensible billionaire
(and especially the crooked variety) looking to protect his own interests doesn’t
require a huge degree of intelligence to work out which party is most likely to
be of assistance to him. (And with luck, he might even get a peerage as well.)
In reality, the problem here is nothing to
do with either nationality or voting rights; it is to do with the rules around political
donations and their enforcement. Whether a billionaire donor is Russian or
British is irrelevant – the questions should be about the provenance of the
money being donated and the extent to which any quid pro quo is involved.
Assuming that a donation is legal and clean just because the donor is
registered as a UK voter (thereby allowing the receiving party to claim ‘no
rules were broken’) is an enormous weakness in the UK’s system. It is, though, not
a devolved issue. The Welsh government can decide who may vote in its
elections but it can’t change the rules on donations; only the UK government can
do that. Instead of criticising the Welsh government for opening up the franchise
to all those who’ve decided to make their homes here and contribute to our
communities, the UK government should be looking to clean up the rules over political
donations rather than using them as an excuse for limiting the franchise. When
we look at who benefits from the current lax rules, it doesn’t exactly take a
lot of effort to work out why they’re not doing that.
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