Responding to the move to prorogue
parliament yesterday, the Speaker denounced it as a “constitutional outrage”. The Leader of the House of Commons, Jacob
Rees-Mogg responded on BBC Breakfast this morning by saying that, “It is not
constitutional for the speaker to express his opinion without direction of the
house”. It’s like a game of constitutional
trumps. They’re both right – and they’re
both wrong. Both are highlighting
instances of actions which are, in one way or another, outside the norms of UK
parliamentary process, but in a country whose constitution is unwritten and
depends totally on precedent, nothing can ever, in strict terms, be ‘unconstitutional’.
The idea of ‘precedent’ assumes that
little can ever change, and that the action to be taken in any given set of
circumstances must be exactly the same as taken the last time those
circumstances arose. If the
circumstances are unique (as, in reality, they always are), then the action to
be taken must mirror as closely as possible the action taken in the most
closely similar circumstances in the past.
It’s a recipe for superficial ossification, and in the absence of any
real objective basis for deciding which is the closest historical parallel, for
making things up as we go along. And I’m
really not sure which is worse – the de jure constitutional position that we
always do whatever we did in the past, or the de facto constitutional position
that we simply make up the rules as we go.
Neither seems compatible with a modern ‘democracy’, let alone one which
its fans consider to be a model for the rest of the world to follow.
It’s not the only thing which is
incompatible with a modern democracy, and if Brexit has served any purpose at all,
it has been in exposing the inadequacies (or lunacies, more like) of the
current system. We’ve had two other
examples this week alone.
The first was the suggestion that the
solution to a situation where the PM of the day disagrees with majority opinion
in a parliamentary chamber which is already hopelessly over-populated with unelected
appointees, hereditaries and bishops is to simply find a lot more people who
agree with him and appoint them as additional parliamentarians so that he can
get his way. Is there any other country in
the world, with serious aspirations to call itself a democracy, in which the
membership of one of its two chambers of parliament is completely unelected and
where the government of the day can ‘adjust’ the membership so as to give
itself a majority?
The second was yesterday’s news that the
Privy Council had met with the monarch and advised her to prorogue parliament,
advice which she then accepted. It’s
true that 3 members of the Privy Council flew up to Balmoral to impart their
advice, and that, under the unwritten constitution of the UK, that amounts to a ‘meeting
of the Privy Council’. There are,
though, around 700 members of the Privy Council, and we can safely assume that
at least 650 of those didn’t even know that there was going to be a meeting yesterday. And under the rules under which the Council
operates, they didn’t need to know. A ‘meeting’
of the Council need not consist of more than a few members, hand-picked by the
PM of the day, sent to convey his views to the monarch. It’s a complete anachronism, like so much
else about the UK’s system of ‘democracy’.
The more Brexit teaches us about the UK’s
definition of ‘democracy’, the more I find myself wondering whether the UK has
ever really complied with the spirit of the EU’s charter on the rule of law,
which is supposedly a fundamental requirement of membership (and which may
now be used against the UK). I’d
like to think that current events might provoke more people into recognising
that we need a proper written constitution which lays down processes and procedures
to be followed, but I’m not going to hold my breath. Regularising the arcane and bizarre is,
though, a clear advantage to Welsh independence. It is inconceivable that a new Welsh state
would be so stupid as to follow the processes of the so-called ‘mother of
parliaments’, isn’t it?
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