If Corbyn’s proposal that he should head a
temporary government with an agreed short-term remit to deal only with avoiding
a no deal Brexit was, as some have suggested, intended as a trap for the new leader of the
Lib Dems, then she certainly walked straight into it. Having said that stopping Brexit was her
absolute top priority, rejecting a firm proposal to achieve that end reveals
that it isn’t actually her top priority at all – preventing Corbyn from
becoming PM, and/or trying to establish the Lib Dems as the ‘purist’ anti-Brexit
party are both more important to her.
The Lib Dems prove to be as keen on putting their own narrow party
interests first as ever – if they were serious about stopping Brexit, they’d
have immediately accepted the idea of negotiating and raised their concerns or
put forward alternatives in those discussions.
Having said that, for Labour to gloat over
having so badly wrong-footed her isn’t so clever either. After also claiming that their top priority
is stopping no deal, their move – coupled with an apparent refusal to consider
alternative possibilities – reveals that they have higher priorities as well,
namely getting Corbyn into Number 10 and smashing the Lib Dem revival. If they were serious about stopping Johnson’s
no deal, they’d have put their proposal on the table and indicated that they
saw it as a starting point for an adult discussion, rather than as a trap for
the Lib Dems.
As to the substance, well the Lib Dem leader
does actually have a point. There must
be serious doubts as to how many of the rebel Tories and newly independent MPs
who want to stop no-deal would support a vote of no confidence if the result
was a Corbyn-led government. That does,
in turn, though reveal that those Tories and independents who say stopping a
no-deal is the most important thing are fibbing as much as Labour and Lib Dems
are, because they, too, have a higher priority, namely not being seen to aid
Corbyn into Downing Street. Having spent
years demonising him for being something which he is not, they are now unable
to exercise the necessary flexibility.
And Swinson’s point is of only limited validity anyway – for every Tory MP
who won’t countenance even a single purpose short-term government led by Corbyn,
there’s going to be a Labour MP who won’t countenance a single purpose
short-term government led by someone other than the leader of their party. Their opposition to putting a veteran Tory
like Ken Clarke at the head of such a government is only what one might expect; but, in typical
Labour style, their opposition to putting a different Labour MP at the head is
even stronger for many of them.
So, there we have it – three disparate groups,
all claiming that their highest priority is stopping no-deal Brexit, all in
reality placing more importance on two entirely different questions, namely who
is PM and where does the best advantage for their party lie. Unless at least one of those groups starts to
behave like a group of adults and recognises that the important thing here is
the remit of any temporary government, not its figurehead nor their respective
positioning once the dust has settled, then the Brextremists will win by
default. They have no need to behave
like adults or win any arguments; their only requirement for success is that
the clear parliamentary majority against their policy remains divided over the
peripheral issue of personality. At the
moment, sadly, my head tells me that the Brexiteers are more likely to win if
stopping them demands adult behaviour from their opponents.
1 comment:
Sound points. Most interesting.
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