Criticism from
within the Labour Party about the remit and actions of the Office for Budget
Responsibility and the slavish adherence to its conclusions by the Chancellor
is long overdue. It’s a pity that it’s taken an accidental slide into an
election for a new deputy leader to wake anybody up, but no sooner had Haigh launched
the mission than she declared
that she was not going to be a candidate. Whether it was never her intention or
whether the campaign was halted before it got going by the stitch-up giving
candidates just days to collect 80 supporters from among the party’s MPs is
unclear. Paradoxically, the fact that the attack on financial orthodoxy is no
longer associated with an internal leadership election might make it easier to
take it seriously. Candidates for internal elections in the Labour Party have
traditionally argued from the ‘left’ to attract the votes of the members, only
to end up moving to the right once elected. Sir Starmer is a classic example of
the genre.
I don’t agree with Haigh’s
definition of the problem in terms of the OBR having been “Originally
created to provide an independent check on economic forecasts and help
policymaking” or that it “has morphed into a gatekeeper of orthodoxy”.
It has always seemed to me that it was a deliberate trap set by George Osborne as
some sort of insurance against a future Labour government, and that
institutionalising (Tory) orthodoxy was its main aim from the outset. The
enthusiasm with which Labour ran into the trap was astounding. Some have
interpreted recent appointments by Sir Starmer as an attempt to undermine his
Chancellor, but those he’s appointed seem almost to be even more steeped in
orthodoxy than Reeves herself: more about keeping her on the narrow track and
reinforcing her view of economics in 10 Downing Street than undermining her.
Other than that
faulty analysis of how we got to where we are, Haigh makes some very good
points. Her claim that “It is beyond comprehension” that the
Bank of England is paying interest on central bank reserves to commercial
lenders echoes a point that a number of economists have repeatedly made – and
there are plenty of examples of other countries that do not make such payments.
At a stroke, not making these payments (or even just reducing the entirely
arbitrary interest rate paid) would ‘save’ up to £40 billion a year, and make a
big difference to the government’s income and expenditure accounts. The only
reason for not changing this is a Chancellor and PM who are utterly wedded to
the ‘household
analogy’ for government accounts and think that austerity
and a small state are really good ideas.
Sadly, someone
holding views such as those expressed by Haigh would be extremely unlikely to
be elected as Labour’s deputy leader, even if she were to stand; and, either
way, her influence on government policy from outside the cabinet (and there is
little chance of Sir Starmer appointing the winner of the contest to his
cabinet, with the position of deputy PM already neatly sewn up) will be small.
Not enough to change the narrative and approach of her party’s leadership, most
of whose MPs seem quite content to continue down the road of facilitating
Farage. They are far too comfortable languishing in the trap which Osborne laid
for them.
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