Whether the pre-budget announcements of
all the bits that the Chancellor thought would be well-received was a brilliant
idea or a case of foot-shooting is yet to become entirely clear. The planned outcome
was that there was a week of ‘good news’ stories leading up to the budget
itself yesterday. On the other hand, it meant that, instead of unravelling in
the day or two following the budget (a process which has become something of a
tradition for Tory Chancellors in recent years) parts of it started to unravel
before they’d even been properly announced, such as the revelation that an end
to the public sector pay freeze doesn’t necessarily mean that anyone will get a
real terms pay rise at all. It also, of course, took some of the pressure off
the opposition leader, or in yesterday’s case, his substitute. Normally, they
are given only hours to prepare a response; Sunak kindly extended that to days,
and Labour did a reasonable job of taking advantage of that.
The Speaker of the House of Commons and
his deputy were left to express their ire at the breach of protocol, both in
the days ahead of the budget and on the day itself. The Speaker’s warning
a few days ago drew the response from Downing Street that the government “recognised
the importance of keeping parliament and the public informed when decisions are
taken”. The Chancellor proceeded to carry on regardless. The Deputy Speaker’s
rebuke
to Sunak before the Chancellor started speaking led the Chancellor to say, “Madam
Deputy Speaker I’ve heard your words and those of Mr Speaker. I have the
greatest respect for you both. And I want to assure you that I have listened
very carefully to what you have said”. They both sounded a lot like “Talk
to the hand, because the face ain’t listening” to me. The whole episode underlines
one of the problems of a set of ‘rules’ which aren’t rules at all in any
meaningful sense of the word. They’re just conventions, protocols, long-standing
custom and practice; an unscrupulous government with no respect for norms can
and does ignore them with impunity. The Speaker, selected very much for his
indications in advance that he would not attempt to be as creative or
imaginative as his immediate predecessor in seeking to protect the rights of
parliament, turns out to have neutered himself. He is a toothless tiger.
Similar thoughts crossed my mind when
David Attenborough said earlier this week that we have a “moral
responsibility” to act on climate change. It’s hard to disagree, but when
dealing with a PM and government to whom the words ‘morality’ and ‘responsibility’
only ever apply to other people (and then only if they can apply their own ego-centric
definitions), he is simply wasting his breath. The English constitution and
parliamentary system are broken, and badly so. Their operation has always been
dependent on the invalid assumption that those in power would be ‘decent chaps’
for whom the unwritten rules were as important (if not more so) than the formal,
written ones. It’s never actually been true, but it takes a special degree of
amorality and self-interest to expose the extent of that. I suppose that’s one
thing for which we should be, at least slightly, grateful to Johnson. The
question, though, is what is the mechanism for changing it? As long as a
sufficient proportion of English voters (a majority is not required) continue
to accept – or even positively welcome – a government which plays to their prejudices,
even if it ignores the rules on which democracy is based, there is no mechanism
for changing it at UK level. That doesn’t need to be the case for Wales or
Scotland, though – we have a practical and readily available escape route if we
choose to use it. The problem with England’s descent into autocracy, kleptocracy, tyranny, and international piracy is that it is happening one step at a time, and it is always
possible to argue that none of the individual steps is significant enough to
warrant action. But each step (removing the right to protest and reclaiming
devolved powers for London are obvious examples) actually makes it harder to act.
Mankind has been here before though; if we learn anything from history it is
that it is better to act while we can than be swept along until we can’t. The to date
distant prospect of independence needs to become an urgent imperative, before
it’s too late.
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