One of the more boring but predictable
aspects of pandemic politics has been the regularity with which the 'Welsh' branch of the English Conservative and Unionist Party has demanded that the
Welsh Government should follow the English lead in all respects, in order to maintains
‘consistency’. Leaving aside for a moment that ‘consistency’, like honesty and
integrity, is one those attributes mostly conspicuous by their absence in their
English leader, there’s a certain irony that people who have spent years
arguing for Brexit precisely so that the UK could follow different rules to
that alien place across the water called Europe should now find themselves
arguing that having different rules between neighbouring administrations is
confusing, but that is not something that particularly concerns them.
When it comes to relaxing restrictions,
they do seem to be making the assumption that that is what most people want,
despite the fact that opinion polls regularly suggest that the majority – in England
as in Wales – would prefer caution. Most people have probably been able to work
out that ‘learning to live with the virus’ is actually a euphemism for ‘encouraging
a higher than necessary number of premature deaths’, but then, they’re not
interested in most people, only in that magic 35-40% which is enough to give
them absolute power the UK on the basis of the electorate in the only part that
really matters to them, namely England.
Whether Mark Drakeford’s more cautious
approach has always been right is a moot point, and something that will only
really be understood properly after the event. The scale and lethality of the
virus has created an unprecedented situation in much of the world, and different
governments have responded in different ways, all of which have positives and
negatives attached to them. What has been clear throughout, however, is the differing
motivations of the different players here in the UK. Drakeford has consistently
erred on the side of trying to reduce the numbers of premature deaths and
serious illness, whereas Johnson is conducting an unethical mass experiment on
the population at large by deliberately pursuing a policy which he knows will
lead to more death and sickness in the hope that the numbers will ultimately be
considered ‘acceptable’ and that any new variants arising out of the experiment
will not be vaccine-resistant. If it works out, he will claim to have been
prescient, but, like the gambler who ‘knew’ which horse was going to win, it
will owe more to luck. But then, for Johnson the stakes are low. He’s not
taking the massive risk which some have claimed – the only thing he’s risking
is his reputation, and in his case that’s no risk at all. The real risk is
being taken by the involuntary subjects of his experiment.
In truth, the differences between the
actions taken by Drakeford and Johnson aren’t as different as the politicians
make out – and given the nature of the border between the two jurisdictions and
the limited nature of devolution, that is hardly a surprise. Many of the
differences when it comes to ending lockdowns are to do with sequencing of
actions rather than the substance, which leads to Wales being later than
England in some respects and earlier in others. Which of them has got the
sequencing right is another unanswerable question; it’s a question of balancing
the advantages and risks and forming an opinion as to what suits the differing circumstances
best. Demanding that all should move at the pace of the fastest in all respects
might be good politics but it’s bad epidemiology. It’s ‘disappointing’ (others
might prefer a stronger word there) to see the English Labour leader joining in
the same game in the hope of political advantage by demanding
that Johnson should follow the Welsh lead in areas where Wales has acted
earlier. Arguing that Wales has got the order right and England has got it
wrong is one thing – but this was an argument for taking an increased level of
risk. Starmer is in danger of finding himself as out of touch with the public
desire for caution as Johnson.
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