The point about the exceptionalism of
English nationalists is that it’s exceptionally exceptional, but it still takes a very,
very exceptional kind of exceptionalism to spend months negotiating a deal in
excruciating detail, declare it to be the best deal ever in the whole of human
history, and then refuse to implement it because it’s such a rubbish deal. Even
more exceptionalist is to then expect the partner with whom the deal had been
so painstakingly negotiated to agree that actually implementing it is
unnecessary because, well, because the UK is so very exceptional. And because
sausages. Oh, and also because some of the more extreme loyalists, whose degree
of loyalty can apparently be directly measured by their propensity for violence
against the state to which they proclaim said loyalty, who were promised that
the deal to put a trade border down the Irish Sea meant that there would be
absolutely no border checks or controls whatsoever and were silly enough to
believe that any utterance from the mouth of the exceptionalist PM could bear
any relationship to truth, might vent their anger by further violent
demonstrations of loyalty to the state.
It’s wrong, of course, to make light of a
very serious situation, but the consequences of the deal signed by the UK
Government were obvious from the outset, and signing a legally-binding deal
with another party in the expectation that the UK could then wriggle out of it
by firstly ignoring it, then refusing to implement it, and then seeking to use potential
violence by groups whose views they deliberately ignored in the first place in
an attempt to blackmail the other partner into dismantling its own regulatory
regime is much, much worse. The phrase used yesterday by Cummings
to describe the English Health Minister (“Totally f*****g hopeless”) looks like
an understatement when applied to the government as a whole.
As ever, the Labour leader managed to ride
to the rescue. Faced with a hopeless government, the last thing we need is a
hopeless opposition, but Labour can generally be relied upon to provide that
last thing. Starmer managed to say both that the deal signed by the UK
Government – a deal which he and his party supported by voting for it in
parliament – must be implemented and there is no scope for major renegotiation,
but at the same time there should be no border checks either in the Irish Sea
or across the island of Ireland. Whilst he’s critical of the government for
signing the deal which he supported, he neither wants to change it nor
implement it in full – it’s hard to see what the difference in substance is
between him and Johnson. They have, though, arrived at the same position by
different routes. Johnson doesn’t care about the truth, whilst Starmer actively
fears it. Johnson lied about the deal to get himself out of a tight spot and
never had any intention of implementing it; Starmer knows that avoiding borders
ultimately involves re-entry into the single market or something very similar
but fears telling his voters that simple truth. Both are left arguing for the
impossible.
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