One of the almost semi-coherent ideas
emerging from the fog of the unionists’ desperate attempts to prevent Scottish
independence is the suggestion that a second referendum should only be held
once the full details of what independence means are clear. Leaving aside the obvious
question as to whether this is a serious suggestion or merely an attempt to
tilt the scales against independentistas, it’s an idea which is not
without merit. And had the same approach been applied to Brexit, things might
now be rather different. However, for those applying the argument to Scotland,
being consistent in their approach comes second to getting their own way. There
are at least two major problems, though.
The nature of any independence settlement
would require detailed negotiation – it’s not a matter of one side dictating
what the outcome should be. And a negotiated settlement requires that both
parties approach the discussions in good faith. And that brings us to the first
problem – Boris Johnson is incapable of doing anything in good faith. Whatever
he says or agrees is subject to change – sometimes in the next sentence, never
mind the next day. It is inconceivable that any Johnson government will put the
time and effort required into negotiating a detailed settlement (which they would
then campaign to urge the Scots to reject); they will instead attempt to
dictate the terms and, at best, bully Scotland into accepting them or, more
likely, simply present them as though they had been agreed. It is, after all,
the approach which worked so spectacularly well for Brexit. (And that’s not an
attempt at sarcasm – it really did work well in the only sense that mattered to
them, which was all about politics. Businesses and individuals whose futures
were destroyed were just an acceptable level of collateral damage in an
essentially political act.)
The second problem is that after
independence, Scotland will set its own direction. Whilst the nature of an
independent Scotland on Day 1 could, theoretically, be clarified by the terms
of any agreement with England, the whole point of independence is to allow
Scotland to do things differently. How different, and in what ways, depends not
on the fact of independence, but on the policies put forward and implemented by
whichever party or parties win Scottish elections in the years which follow.
Whilst one party to the negotiations might attempt to constrain Scotland’s future
options, the extent to which they can do so is necessarily limited.
The proposal that Scotland’s voters should
have a more precise idea of what they are voting for is a wholly reasonable
suggestion. However, the implicit assumptions being made by the proposers –
that they can determine the terms unilaterally, and that ‘negotiation’ amounts
to imposition – make it completely unworkable in practice. To make it workable
requires an honest government in London, and that, to use a phrase from the infamous
Scottish play, “stands not within the prospect of belief”.
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