The element of drama about Boris Johnson’s
last-ditch flight to Brussels today is almost certainly deliberate on his part.
From the EU’s perspective, it’s more about tolerating whatever it takes to get
the PM to realise where the power lies and to enable him to present anything he
comes back with as some sort of victory. They can live with the drama and the hyperbole
as long as they get their legally-binding text. Part of the drama, of course,
has to be the uncertainty – ‘will he, won’t he’ – as to the outcome; it wouldn’t
be drama otherwise. The pundits are divided, and that helps as well. Not
knowing what will emerge (although we already know that there will be major
obstacles to free trade after January 1, whatever the result) is a
necessary part of the process.
What is more worrying, though, is the undertainty about whether
the lead actor himself has a clue about the likely outcome. The script is
largely in his hands at this stage, and given his history,
it would not be at all surprising if he’d already scripted two alternative
endings: one in which he heroically pulls off a deal at the last moment and the
other in which he heroically battles to the last before walking away with
nothing rather than surrendering to mere foreigners. In itself, that might not
be of great concern. Without knowing what ‘the other side’ might offer, it
might even be prudent to have a Plan A and a Plan B. The problem in this case
is that he knows more or less exactly what the other side is going to say; they’ve
been round and round the same issues for months, and whilst the EU might be
willing to be flexible over the wording, the substance isn’t going to change.
They are not (and never were) going to dismantle the single market to suit
the UK’s exceptionalists. The decision as to which script to use doesn’t depend
on anything that does or does not happen in Brussels tonight. Just like the last time
he prepared two scripts and didn’t decide which one to use until the last
minute, it depends on which script he thinks places him in the best light, and
which will be least likely to hasten the end of his premiership. It is, as
ever, all about him – he’s not described as a narcissist without reason. Not
for the first time, the future of the whole UK’s population hangs on what Boris
Johnson thinks is best for Boris Johnson.
As part of the build up to tonight’s
crunch meeting, he said
that “You've got to believe there's the power of sweet reason”. He’s not
wrong in principle, but there are some people for whom ‘sweet reason’ is not an
operational concept – and Boris Johnson is one of them. The thought that
anything depends on a combination of Boris Johnson and sweet reason merely
brought the immortal words to Private Frazer to mind – “We’re all doomed”.
He has also ruled out any possibility of talks continuing after 1 January in the event of no deal. It’s another lie, of course. Faced with
trading on WTO terms, no sensible government would ever decline to talk with
trading partners about how those terms could be improved, although such a
conversation is likely to take many years, as is entirely normal for trade agreements.
And talking of sensible governments, one
of his other statements was this: “… there are just limits beyond which no
sensible, independent government or country could go and people have got to
understand that". Well, as a statement of principle, he’s entirely
correct. But one might, perhaps, be forgiven for asking whether he didn’t just
say that the 27 member states of the EU are neither sensible nor independent?
The question as to whether an EU member state is or isn’t ‘independent’ does go
to the heart of the Brexit debate and the meaning of the word independent, so that
might be overlooked as simply an expression of an absolutist position on sovereignty.
It’s doubtful, though, whether stating that 27 other countries are not being
sensible is a particularly helpful negotiating ploy. In truth, the EU have
recognised from the outset that the UK can have as much sovereignty as it
wants, and can set its own rules on anything and everything. The problem has
been that the UK has been unwilling to accept the corollary, which is that those
who want to play the game by a different set of rules to everyone else will usually find they’re no longer invited to play.
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