The problem with
being tough for the sake of being seen to be tough when taking a decision is
that the more people criticise, the easier it is to underline just how tough
the original decision was. All those people piling in to offer advice
to the Chancellor on why her decision on the winter fuel allowance was silly,
unnecessary and downright mean are merely reinforcing her original motivation
which, I suspect, was nothing to do with saving money and everything to do with
deliberately taking an unpopular decision just to show how tough she could be.
The suggestion
by the Guardian’s economics editor that she would be wise to reverse a “mean
and politically inept” decision is absolutely right, but irrelevant if
performative meanness is the objective.
Here on planet Earth,
reviewing a decision taken in haste without a proper analysis or understanding
of the likely consequences would be seen by many as a sign of strength and
wisdom, but on planet Westminster, a U-turn is axiomatically a sign of
weakness, regardless of how sensible it might be. I suspect that nothing will
make her change her mind: whilst continued noise merely strengthens her
resolve, silence would remove any pressure on her to change course. The
sensible thing to do is demand change, but demanding change makes it less likely, and not demanding it makes ‘no change’ a certainty. “That’s some catch”,
as Joseph
Heller might have put it.
Maybe the deliberate
leak of the fact that the pension is likely to be increasing by £400 a year
next April because of the triple-lock will be enough to silence the
mathematically challenged, although the more aware will realise that that was
going to happen anyway, and a triple lock which protects the basic pension is
meaningless if the government then claws most of the increase back elsewhere.
Quite apart from the fact that that increase won’t be received until after the
bills which the fuel allowance is intended to mitigate have already been paid.
Adding prestidigitation to toughness might look like an expansion of Reeves’s
otherwise limited skillset, but only if we don’t see the hands moving.
There has been one suggestion
that Reeves should simply reframe the proposal as a measure to address a
perceived imbalance between generations, and use it to appeal to the young.
Blaming one demographic for the problems of another is certainly continuity
Toryism of the sort which seems to appeal to Labour these days, and might even
work electorally. It doesn’t, though, help to achieve a harmonious and balanced
society and its practical (as opposed to political) impact is negligible.
The government have
now promised
that there will be a formal vote on the question next week. Perhaps Reeves will
have a change of heart and back down; perhaps enough Labour MPs will find that
they do indeed have a backbone and vote against it. But the likeliest outcome currently
appears to be that the government will use its massive majority to win the vote,
and that large numbers of Labour MPs will find themselves voting for something which
will reveal only that party loyalty triumphs over conscience and principle.
Those Labour MPs who’ve demanded a vote may yet come to understand the meaning
of being careful what they wish for.
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