Given what the government’s own
economic
impact assessment says about the plans to deport some asylum-seekers to
Rwanda, it’s not really surprising that they should have tried to avoid, or
delay, releasing the information. It was eventually made public after members of
the House of Lords threatened to delay the passage of the Illegal Migration Bill
unless they were given clear information about the impact of the bill’s
provisions. The assessment contains a large number of assumptions and
estimates, much of which appear to be little more than partially-informed guesswork, but
the bottom line is that the economic impact of the proposals depends entirely
on the extent to which they act as a deterrent and reduce the number of
crossings. Initially, at least, deporting immigrants to Rwanda will cost more than
processing them in the UK. On the specific issue of deterrence, the report
itself notes that “The academic consensus is that there is little to no
evidence suggesting changes in a destination country’s policies have an impact
on deterring people from leaving their countries of origin or travelling
without valid permission…” before going on to explain why the reasons
adduced by academic research for that conclusion ‘may’ be wrong and then
quoting examples from other countries which purport to demonstrate the truth of
that which the academic consensus rejects. The extent to which those examples
are valid comparisons is open to debate, to put it mildly. To call the conclusions dodgy in
mathematical terms would be an understatement.
The main argument used by the
government to plough ahead with the scheme regardless is that, as
Braverman put it, “Our impact assessment shows that doing nothing is not
an option”. Actually, I can’t find anything in the report that does say that in such specific terms, but it’s hardly news that she has read what
she wants to in the document. What the document does say, very loudly and clearly,
is that only two options have even been considered: the status quo and the new
bill. Whilst saying that opponents are offering no alternative, they are
glossing over the fact that neither are the government. They know that whether
the policy acts as a deterrent or not is open to question to say the least, and
that it will cost more than current policies unless and until that deterrent effect
cuts in, but they have decided to implement it anyway.
Chris Mason, of the BBC, paraphrases one
possible reason for that – “they think it's worth a try”. As a basis for
an essentially cruel and inhumane policy, many will consider it rather less
than adequate. But I wonder how serious they are about ‘stopping the boats’
anyway – if the policy wins them votes, it will have achieved its real aim. It
isn’t only the people-smugglers who are using desperate people as pawns for
their own benefit.
1 comment:
Seen elsewhere today _ "The UK’s projected windfall tax take from the North Sea dropped 40%, as oil and gas prices fell." So there goes one of our politicians' pet ideas for "correcting" the rampant inflation in fuel prices which in turn has driven cost surges in all aspects of our economy. Far better had they put a more stringent cap on prices to the consumer and our industrial/service base. Now we get a decline in wholesale prices but the lag prior to consumers seeing much benefit has been excessive and will not materialise in full. Because government also makes more money when those prices are kept at an inflated level and is able to fund its harebrained pet projects and general waste.
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