Underlying the
whole Brexit process from the outset has been a current of Anglo-British
not-nationalism-at-all which starts from a perspective of general arrogance
towards the rest of the world underpinned by a sense of superiority and
entitlement. It’s a strong form of a
toxic mixture which would be called nationalism anywhere else, but these
particular not-nationalists are so special and unique that they alone are, in
their view at least, entitled to deny the application of that word to themselves. It hasn’t made for a smooth process of
negotiation, yet still they persist.
We saw it at the
outset with statements about ‘the easiest deal in history’; ‘they need us more
than we need them’, and so on. It’s a
perspective from which the EU’s determination to treat the UK as it has asked
to be treated – as a ‘third country’ – is interpreted as some sort of
punishment or revenge. It’s a point
which has been well debunked many times – here’s
a good summary – but every attempt to explain that it's what the electorate voted for simply leads to even louder
howls of protest from those who continue to argue that the UK has a right to be
treated differently.
Most recently,
we’ve seen it in relation to the suggestion put
forward by Nick Boles that the UK could ‘temporarily’ join EFTA and thus enjoy
many of the benefits of continued membership whilst negotiating an alternative
longer term relationship. In fairness,
there’s a certain logic to the idea – from a UK perspective. It’s not without its problems, though, not
least because it doesn’t resolve the problem of the British border across
Ireland, and nor does it satisfy the extreme Brexiteers.
But there’s
another problem with it too – such logic as it does possess might be obvious
from a UK perspective, but what about the other countries involved? Expecting the existing EFTA members to simply
change their structures and procedures to accommodate a new member whose GDP is
larger than that of any existing member, and to do so on the basis of an
expected membership period of just a few years, is another display of that
famous non-nationalistic sense of entitlement and arrogance. Their compliance with the requirements of a
UK government which still hasn’t worked out what it’s trying to achieve as an
end point is taken as a given – just like it was taken as a given that German
carmakers and Italian prosecco producers would force their governments to give
way so that they could continue to trade with the UK.
From the outset, the
UK has apparently managed to misunderstand and misinterpret almost everything
that the EU27 has said; assuming instead that the EU27 will ultimately come to see
everything as the UK Government does (i.e. in simplistic terms of economic
transactions) and blithely ignoring the clear and repeated messages that, for
the EU27, ‘Europe’ has always been about much more than trade. As we approach the end game, nothing in the
UK’s attitude seems to be changing; the government still doesn’t really know
what it wants in the long term and is still assuming that the EU will give way. They simply can’t escape from that inherent
sense of superiority and entitlement.
Despite the reports of a ‘secret’ deal about to be agreed, such details
as have been leaked so far seem to suggest that it’s little more than another
exercise in kicking the can down the road whilst the UK – and more particularly
the Tory Party – continues to argue with itself. The problem is that that argument is still
about how to achieve a result which recognises that superiority and entitlement. It’s an argument doomed to continue
indefinitely until the political culture of the UK is able to mature enough to
accept that the UK’s place in the world isn’t what they want or believe it to be, and that
the world isn’t going to accept the UK on the UK’s terms. I keep hoping that the whole Brexit shambles
will have the one positive effect of dragging these non-nationalists into the
twenty-first century – it certainly ought to.
So far, it seems to be having the exact opposite effect – they’re retreating
into the eighteenth.
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