The Bloomberg Editorial
Board produced an opinion
piece a few days ago, urging the cancellation of Brexit, arguing that “It isn’t too late for the U.K. to change
its mind about this whole misbegotten venture”. The suggestion that Brexit is a ‘misbegotten
venture’ isn’t exactly uncommon in the rest of the world, although there are
always those, such as Trump and Putin, who see it as an opportunity. For them, if not for the UK. But there have been a series of thoughtful
articles in recent months in overseas publications wondering exactly what Brexit
tells us about the UK – and the answers never seem to agree with what the
Brexiteers tells us.
Bloomberg did acknowledge
that reversing Brexit would require a second referendum and that that isn’t
exactly a straightforward proposition, but suggested that the other EU members
could aid the process by making it clear that they’d prefer the UK to stay and that the Article 50 notice could be withdrawn and/or the date
extended if that would assist the UK government in arranging a new vote. Some EU governments have already made
encouraging noises in that direction, and I’m confident that the EU would be
willing to agree on both those points if there were any signs that the UK
government wanted such an outcome. But
there aren’t, and any suggestion that the EU were attempting to prompt such a
move would be immediately portrayed by Brexiteers – with their usual complete disregard for mere facts - as an attempt to ‘force’ the UK to vote again until ‘Brussels’ gets
the answer it wants. The idea that the
EU ‘forces’ countries to re-vote has, after all, been a basic mantra of the
Brexiteers from the outset.
Bloomberg does
offer another alternative, which is “…
offering non-voting membership of the single market, with all its rights and
obligations, for as long as it takes to arrange a limited free-trade agreement
of the sort that Europe has reached with other non-EU countries”. It’s a reasonable suggestion, although there’s
no obvious reason why it should be restricted to circumstances in which “… EU governments have come to think Britain
is more trouble than it’s worth, and would now prefer it to go”. It’s equally applicable if they would prefer
us to stay, but recognise the unlikelihood of that and simply want to ensure an
orderly exit. It’s an obvious, sound and
sensible interim approach which makes more sense than an immediate rush to the
door. It’s never going to be as good, in
economic terms, as continued membership, but as a halfway house it would buy
the time to work through the implications properly. I’m not sure, though, that the EU actually
needs to make such an offer – it seems to me that it’s an option that has been
on the table from the outset.
And that brings
us to the nub of the issue. It’s not the
EU which has ruled out such an option; it’s the UK - by insisting that it wants
all the rights but none of the obligations implied by such an option: a form of
super membership better than that enjoyed by any other member. And the fact that the EU27 won’t allow the UK
better terms than they themselves enjoy is all down to the 'intransigence' of
those 27 EU members. That’s the basis on
which the new Foreign Secretary has warned
the EU that if they don’t back down, the UK is walking towards a no-deal ‘by
accident’. It’s not an ‘accident’ at all
– it’s the probable outcome of deliberate UK policy. In similar vein, the Trade Secretary has now talked about ‘no-deal’
being the likeliest outcome as a result of the EU’s 'intransigence'. There’s certainly a lot of intransigence around,
but it’s coming from the Brexiteers with their continued demand for free
unicorns or else.
As the pound
slumped on Monday, some ‘senior Whitehall sources’ were quoted
as saying that if the UK crashes out with no deal “we will make it clear whose fault it was”. And there, in a nutshell, we have the
Brexiteers' latest core strategy exposed: ‘It wasn’t me, Miss, some big boys did
it and ran away’. It's no wonder that the rest of the world is scratching its collective head in amazement.
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