It’s true, of
course, that we would still be without an Assembly of any kind in Wales
were it not for the Labour Party. But it
has always looked as though devolution for Wales
was something into which they were bounced by the enthusiasm of the late John
Smith and others in Scotland,
and bounced reluctantly to boot. So
whilst the fact of devolution is down to the Labour Party, so is its form, and
particularly the painfully slow progress, with each step marking yet another
attempt to paper over that party’s internal disagreements.
That it makes sense
for any elected government spending large sums of money to have at least a
degree of responsibility for raising the money that it spends rather than
holding out a begging bowl is obvious to most.
But the miserable little collection of minor taxes which might
potentially be devolved without holding another referendum simply does not
achieve that objective. Without the
devolution of at least one major tax, such as income tax, any expectation that
it will make much of a difference is misplaced.
Of course, I’m in
favour of devolving all taxes, so the Mandy Rice Davies response would be a
natural one, but in all seriousness, the ability to modify the rate of landfill
tax will neither make the Welsh Government more accountable nor give it much of
a lever for economic policy.
I don’t entirely
disagree with the assertion by Carwyn Jones and the Labour Party that there are
dangers in not resolving the Barnett issue first. Of course there are, but when we know that
there’s no hope of any early resolution of the Barnett issue, it looks as
though that question is being used as more of a fig leaf to hide opposition to
tax-varying powers. Both issues need
resolving, but the link is by no means as absolute as is being claimed.
It was of course
Carwyn Jones who claimed during the last referendum campaign that taxation
powers would ‘require’ a referendum. It
was a ‘requirement’ based more on the timid pragmatism of himself and his
government and his own party’s continued internal disagreements over devolution
than one based on any great constitutional principle. But once he’d stated it, it was always going
to be difficult to do a u-turn later.
Reports suggest
that the Silk Commission was unanimous in its recommendations and had no
difficulty reaching that unanimity. How
much of that ‘unanimity’ was real hard agreement as opposed to a pragmatic
recognition that Labour Party support was dependent on coming up with the ‘right’
answers isn’t clear – and may not be so for some time, I’d guess. But it’s hard to see any logic other than
such pragmatism in the referendum proposal.
And it’s even harder to see any logic at all in the proposed multiple
locks which all need to be opened before we can even hold a vote – it all looks
more like an attempt to block taxation powers than to devolve them.
It was Marx who said that history always repeats
itself twice, the first time as tragedy, the second as farce. Farce may turn out to be an understated
description of the proposal to hold yet another referendum, learning nothing
from the last. How many farces can Labour
stage before the audience realises that the butt of the joke is us?
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